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Americans have long been, in the words of historian Patricia Cline Cohen,
"a calculating people." Consequently the sources available
for doing quantitative American history are enormously rich and varied.
They include census returns, birth and death records, tax lists, membership
lists of clubs, churches, and other organizations, business records,
social surveys, price lists, city directories, and loads of other quantifiable
collections of information.
Yet by comparison to sociologists, psychologists, economists, and political
scientists, historians also confront a distinct limitation when they
utilize quantitative data. For the most part, historians study dead
people and records left behind by dead people. We cannot go back and
ask our subjects new questions if we do not like the questions that
were asked, say, by a census taker in 1820or if we cannot read
the census takers handwriting. Likewise, we cannot design our
own experiments comparing a test group to a control group to determine
if factor A really made a historical difference. Instead we often must
settle for data that were originally assembled by somebody with a different
agenda than our own. But we can still be creative. For example, although
we cannot ask voters why they preferred one presidential candidate to
another in 1852, by using newspaper reports and government records,
we can determine how people voted or at least how a group of people
voted in a given electoral district. We can then compare voting patterns
to patterns suggested by other available data, such as tax assessments,
occupations, and/or the religious and ethnic composition of a particular
group of voters. With the help of various statistical techniques, we
can then make carefully limited inferences about why people voted they
way they did, even though nobody asked them directly to explain their
motivations.
So if you are given an assignment to use quantifiable sources, where
should you begin? Basically, there are two different (but not mutually
exclusive) starting points. You can either (1) begin with an existing
data set and think about what question(s) you could answer using that
data set; or (2) begin with a question (or set of questions) and look
for data that would help you answer it (or them). Which starting point
you choose will usually depend on the particular character of the assignment
and your relative access to various data sets. You may be provided with
a package of pre-assembled documents and data orat the opposite
end of the spectrumyou may be given "free rein" to choose
your own topic and locate your own evidence. Between these extremes,
you might be directed to use census data available on microfilm, on
CD-ROM, or on the Internet. Or you might go to the local courthouse
and gather information on the different kinds of criminal cases adjudicated
during a given time period.
As you develop your project, keep in mind that not all data are equally
reliable. Before you invest a lot of time and energy analyzing a particular
set of data, you will want to have a general sense of how the data were
collected, by whom, and for what purpose. For example, property assessments
in tax lists may or may not represent the market value of taxpayers
estates. Sometimes assessors applied formulas that consistently discounted
market prices or left assessments unchanged when market conditions fluctuated.
Undoubtedly the meaning and accuracy of tax lists could be affected
by whether the assessor simply asked the taxpayer to estimate the value
of his or her property or, alternatively, undertook an independent examination
of the estate. Likewise, some kinds of property might be exempt from
taxation altogether. The more you can find out about the way the data
were originally compiled, the better. If you determine that the process
was biased, you may still be able to use the data, by taking steps to
correct for the distortion in the initial collection procedures.
The following three tables contain data on employees working in cigar
and tobacco manufacturing in Tampa, Florida, from 1908-1910. Examine
the tables and think about what kinds of historical questions this data
can, and cannot, help you to answer.
Study
of Employees in Cigar and Tobacco Manufacturing in Tampa Florida
(1908-1910)
Table 1Employees
of each race for whom information was secured, by sex (Note: total number
of employees in cigar and tobacco industry in Tampa is approximately
10,500)
General
Nativity and Race
|
Number
|
Percent
Distribution
|
|
Male
|
Female
|
Total
|
Male
|
Female
|
Total
|
Native
born of native father |
|
|
|
|
|
|
White |
711
|
305
|
1,016
|
10.2
|
17.0
|
11.6
|
Negro |
80
|
10
|
90
|
1.1
|
.6
|
1.0
|
Native
born of foreign father, by country of birth of father |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Canada |
1
|
0
|
1
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
China
|
1
|
0
|
1
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
Cuba
|
195
|
0
|
195
|
2.8
|
0
|
2.2
|
England
|
6
|
0
|
6
|
.1
|
0
|
.1
|
France |
3
|
0
|
3
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
Germany
|
11
|
0
|
11
|
.2
|
0
|
.1
|
Ireland |
1
|
0
|
1
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
Italy |
36
|
0
|
36
|
.5
|
0
|
.4
|
Mexico |
2
|
0
|
2
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
Spain |
50
|
0
|
50
|
.7
|
0
|
.6
|
West
Indies (other than Cuba) |
7
|
0
|
7
|
.1
|
0
|
.1
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Foreign
born (by race) |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Canadian,
French |
0
|
1
|
1
|
0
|
.1
|
*
|
Canadian,
other |
|
2
|
2
|
0
|
.1
|
*
|
Cuban |
3,013
|
532
|
3,545
|
43.3
|
29.7
|
40.5
|
English |
15
|
3
|
18
|
.2
|
.2
|
.2
|
French
|
6
|
1
|
7
|
.1
|
.1
|
.1
|
German |
15
|
0
|
15
|
.2
|
0
|
.2
|
Greek |
0
|
1
|
1
|
0
|
.1
|
*
|
Hebrew,
Russian |
1
|
0
|
1
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
Hebrew,
other |
4
|
0
|
4
|
.1
|
0
|
*
|
Italian,
North |
13
|
12
|
25
|
.2
|
.7
|
.3
|
Italian,
South |
833
|
791
|
1,624
|
12.0
|
44.1
|
18.6
|
Magyar |
1
|
0
|
1
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
Mexican |
19
|
2
|
21
|
.3
|
.1
|
.2
|
Negro |
45
|
4
|
49
|
.6
|
.2
|
.6
|
Scotch |
0
|
1
|
1
|
0
|
.1
|
*
|
Spanish |
1,881
|
127
|
2,008
|
27.0
|
7.1
|
22.9
|
West
Indian (other than Cuba) |
10
|
0
|
10
|
.1
|
0
|
.1
|
South
American (race not specified) |
1
|
0
|
1
|
*
|
0
|
*
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Grand
Total |
6,961
|
1,793
|
8,754
|
100.0
|
100.0
|
100.0
|
*=
less than0.005 percent |
|
|
|
|
|
|
Table
2Percent of foreign born male employees in each specified occupation
before coming to the United States, by race
Race
|
Number
Reporting
Complete
Data
|
Percent
who were engaged in
|
. |
. |
Manufac-
turing of
cigars and
tobacco
|
Other
Manufac-
turing
|
Farming
or farm
labor
|
General
labor
|
Hand
trades
|
Trade
|
Other
Occupa-
tions
|
Cuban |
2,342
|
87.3
|
0.0
|
7.0
|
0.3
|
1.5
|
2.7
|
1.3
|
Italian,
South |
472
|
25.0
|
1.1
|
39.2
|
1.7
|
18.2
|
3.8
|
11.0
|
Spanish |
1,100
|
49.8
|
0.4
|
28.4
|
2.3
|
4.4
|
12.0
|
2.7
|
. . |
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
Total |
4,043
|
68.3
|
0.2
|
17.1
|
1.0
|
4.3
|
5.5
|
3.0
|
Table
3Percent of foreign born female employees in each specified occupation
before coming to the United States, by race
Race
|
Number
Reporting
Complete
Data
|
Percent
who were engaged in
|
. |
. |
Manufac-
turing of
cigars and
tobacco
|
Other
Manufac-
turing
|
Farming
or farm
labor
|
Domestic
service
|
Sewing
Embro-
iderng &
lace
making
|
Teach-
ing
|
Trade
|
Cuban
|
168
|
87.5
|
0.0
|
0.0
|
8.3
|
3.6
|
0.0
|
0.6
|
Italian,
South
|
149
|
67.8
|
0.7
|
3.4
|
20.1
|
6.0
|
0.0
|
2.0
|
..
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
.
|
Total
|
361
|
75.9
|
0.3
|
2.8
|
13.9
|
5.0
|
0.3
|
1.9
|
|