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=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 1 Oct 1999 11:34:32 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Ira Berlin 
Subject:      Opening Statement
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1

Dear Colleagues,

No aspect of the American past has undergone as full a revision in the last
twenty years as the study of slavery.  The pace has been extraordinary.  As
scholars scurry to keep up with a field that produced some sixty odd new
books and many more articles this year alone, slavery has come to frequent
the popular press and other public forums from big-buck movies on the big
screen, PBS series on the small screen, countless museum exhibits, numerous
monuments to reenactments of all sorts.  Slavery has been on the cover of
TIME and Newsweek, as well as "above the fold" in the NEW YORK TIMES and the=

Washington Post.  It has entered politics most recently with the President's=

special commission headed by John Hope Franklin as well as an earlier
abortive debate over the "The Apology" and the persistent calls for
reparations.

But the new scholarship has not always informed either public interest or
pedagogical concerns.

Let me suggest the directions in which the scholarship of slavery has moved
and some of its implications for the classroom.

Some of the revisions are basic ones of space and time, geography and
chronology.  The study of US slavery is no longer simply located in the Nort=
h
American past, connected to the American Civil War, and preoccupied with
matters of domination and exploitation, be they physical or cultural. As a
result...

1. Slavery is now viewed in worldwide perspective, and slavery in the United=

States is seen as a small part of a global system that was itself the pivot
of the remaking of the modern world.  In short, to study slavery is to learn=

something about early modern Europe, Africa, and the Americas.  The Atlantic=

between the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries is seen as one piece and
the migrations--studied in demographic, sociological, and cultural terms--ar=
e
the heart of slavery=92s history.  From a pedagogical point of view, studyin=
g
slavery has the advantage of forcing students to think globally, and
reminding them that what is often claimed to be new about their world is
really not so new.

2.  Slavery in the United States is no longer seen through the lens of the
American Civil War, the short period between 1830 and 1865 when the section
struggle boiled over into Civil War and eventuated in emancipation.  Instead=

US slavery is understood in the longue duree--as an experience which lasted
over 300 years- which is most of the history of European and African
settlement of mainland North America.  For most of that period, the
characteristics of slavery=92s last years-- cotton cultivation, blackbelt
residence, and Afro-Christian belief--were not part of the experience of mos=
t
American slaves.  Studying slavery thus awakens most students to the fact
that things are not what they have been taught.

3. Slavery is no longer viewed as an institution attached to the North-
American South.  For most of its history in mainland North American, slavery=

was as much Northern as Southern.  Slavery in the North was a wide-spread,
deeply rooted institution, which in some critical ways was as essential to
the Northern economy as it was to the Southern.  Incorporating the North int=
o
the study of slavery opens up new possibilities for understanding the
evolution of American race relations.

4.  Slavery is no longer seen as simply a system of domination, where the
masters=92 ruled through a monopoly of force or application of paternalist
ideology.  Instead, slavery is seen as an uneven contest, in which the slave=
s
employed their knowledge and guile to shape their own lives and even the
lives of their owners.  Rather than dictate, slaveholders were forced to
negotiate, and in those negotiations slave society was formed.  Students thu=
s
derive critical lessons about the agency and the power of subordinate people=
s
and classes from the study of slavery.

5.  Finally, the new understanding of slavery has put great emphasis on
cultural exchange and the ways in which the culture of the slave, the cultur=
e
of Africa, not only shaped African-American life in the New World, but also
European-American and Native American life.  The lessons here are manifold,
disposing of older ideas of cultural genocide (the destruction or erasure of=

a culture)--or assimilation (the making of one culture into another.)
Instead, the emphasis has been on creolization or hybridization, the
continued creation of something new.  An appreciation that no culture has
"integrity" and all are constantly made and remade is critical in a world
suffuse with essentialist nationalism.

All of this "new" history has to be presented to a public that has not fully=

absorbed the lessons of slavery=92s "old" historiography.  Those old lessons=
--
which labored to banish notions of African backwardness, "Negro" inferiority=

and passivity, and slaveholder beneficence--are still worthy ones, as these
stereotypes are still alive in some quarters.  Indeed, they have shown
remarkable resilience in recent years.  Thus presenting the new knowledge of=

slavery is only half of the job, for slavery raises fundamental and
inescapable moral and political questions.  These not only speak to ongoing
conflicts within the US (and elsewhere) but also to the relationship between=

past injustices and the present.  The discomfort these matters create
manifest themselves in a variety of ways from anger to embarrassment, from
denial to disengagement in a manner that rarely touch other questions in
American history.  Whatever weight Americans give to the American Revolution=
,
the Jackson transformation, or the New Deal, their discussions rarely evoke
the passion that often accompanies the question of slavery.  Yet, problems
that accompany such passions also provide opportunities for engagement.

Doubtless everyone who had taught slavery has seen--perhaps up close and
personal--those passions set loose in the classroom.  We might begin our
electronic discussion by eliciting successful strategies for defusing the ol=
d
myths, introducing the slavery=92s new history, and encouraging classroom
engagement.

Sincerely, Ira Berlin
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 1 Oct 1999 15:57:46 +0000
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         don@ACSC.MEC.CUNY.EDU
Subject:      Re: Opening Statement

Dear Colleagues,
Some of what is "new" is only "new" from perspectives that have in the past
excluded
African American views on slavery.  For instance, the popular reggae song "400
Years"
makes clear that slavery has never been viewed primarily with an emphasis on the
30 years before the Civil War by African peoples in the Western hemisphere.
Inclusive
in the 30 year perspective is that the ensuing struggle between Southern and
Northern
Whites was the defining moment in the history of African slavery in the United
States.
Be that as it is, the points raised in the "Opening Statement" do tell us the
impact of
African American struggle and "Black" Studies on contemporary scholarship.  What
is
absent in the statement is any direct reference to African world views,
including those
of African American and African Caribbean peoples:  as in much post modern
thought,
old paradigms of authority are resurrected silently while "truths" first voiced
by oppressed
peoples and classes are affirmed.  What must be included in any contemporary
discussion
of slavery is the Afrocentric worldview, that is, defining African slavery in
the Americas from
the viewpoint of Africa, enslaved Africans, their ancestors and their
descendants.

> Dear Colleagues,
>
> No aspect of the American past has undergone as full a revision in the last
> twenty years as the study of slavery.  The pace has been extraordinary.  As
> scholars scurry to keep up with a field that produced some sixty odd new
> books and many more articles this year alone, slavery has come to frequent
> the popular press and other public forums from big-buck movies on the big
> screen, PBS series on the small screen, countless museum exhibits, numerous
> monuments to reenactments of all sorts.  Slavery has been on the cover of
> TIME and Newsweek, as well as "above the fold" in the NEW YORK TIMES and the=
>
> Washington Post.  It has entered politics most recently with the President's=
>
> special commission headed by John Hope Franklin as well as an earlier
> abortive debate over the "The Apology" and the persistent calls for
> reparations.
>
> But the new scholarship has not always informed either public interest or
> pedagogical concerns.
>
> Let me suggest the directions in which the scholarship of slavery has moved
> and some of its implications for the classroom.
>
> Some of the revisions are basic ones of space and time, geography and
> chronology.  The study of US slavery is no longer simply located in the Nort=
> h
> American past, connected to the American Civil War, and preoccupied with
> matters of domination and exploitation, be they physical or cultural. As a
> result...
>
> 1. Slavery is now viewed in worldwide perspective, and slavery in the United=
>
> States is seen as a small part of a global system that was itself the pivot
> of the remaking of the modern world.  In short, to study slavery is to learn=
>
> something about early modern Europe, Africa, and the Americas.  The Atlantic=
>
> between the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries is seen as one piece and
> the migrations--studied in demographic, sociological, and cultural terms--ar=
> e
> the heart of slavery=92s history.  From a pedagogical point of view, studyin=
> g
> slavery has the advantage of forcing students to think globally, and
> reminding them that what is often claimed to be new about their world is
> really not so new.
>
> 2.  Slavery in the United States is no longer seen through the lens of the
> American Civil War, the short period between 1830 and 1865 when the section
> struggle boiled over into Civil War and eventuated in emancipation.  Instead=
>
> US slavery is understood in the longue duree--as an experience which lasted
> over 300 years- which is most of the history of European and African
> settlement of mainland North America.  For most of that period, the
> characteristics of slavery=92s last years-- cotton cultivation, blackbelt
> residence, and Afro-Christian belief--were not part of the experience of mos=
> t
> American slaves.  Studying slavery thus awakens most students to the fact
> that things are not what they have been taught.
>
> 3. Slavery is no longer viewed as an institution attached to the North-
> American South.  For most of its history in mainland North American, slavery=
>
> was as much Northern as Southern.  Slavery in the North was a wide-spread,
> deeply rooted institution, which in some critical ways was as essential to
> the Northern economy as it was to the Southern.  Incorporating the North int=
> o
> the study of slavery opens up new possibilities for understanding the
> evolution of American race relations.
>
> 4.  Slavery is no longer seen as simply a system of domination, where the
> masters=92 ruled through a monopoly of force or application of paternalist
> ideology.  Instead, slavery is seen as an uneven contest, in which the slave=
> s
> employed their knowledge and guile to shape their own lives and even the
> lives of their owners.  Rather than dictate, slaveholders were forced to
> negotiate, and in those negotiations slave society was formed.  Students thu=
> s
> derive critical lessons about the agency and the power of subordinate people=
> s
> and classes from the study of slavery.
>
> 5.  Finally, the new understanding of slavery has put great emphasis on
> cultural exchange and the ways in which the culture of the slave, the cultur=
> e
> of Africa, not only shaped African-American life in the New World, but also
> European-American and Native American life.  The lessons here are manifold,
> disposing of older ideas of cultural genocide (the destruction or erasure of=
>
> a culture)--or assimilation (the making of one culture into another.)
> Instead, the emphasis has been on creolization or hybridization, the
> continued creation of something new.  An appreciation that no culture has
> "integrity" and all are constantly made and remade is critical in a world
> suffuse with essentialist nationalism.
>
> All of this "new" history has to be presented to a public that has not fully=
>
> absorbed the lessons of slavery=92s "old" historiography.  Those old lessons=
> --
> which labored to banish notions of African backwardness, "Negro" inferiority=
>
> and passivity, and slaveholder beneficence--are still worthy ones, as these
> stereotypes are still alive in some quarters.  Indeed, they have shown
> remarkable resilience in recent years.  Thus presenting the new knowledge of=
>
> slavery is only half of the job, for slavery raises fundamental and
> inescapable moral and political questions.  These not only speak to ongoing
> conflicts within the US (and elsewhere) but also to the relationship between=
>
> past injustices and the present.  The discomfort these matters create
> manifest themselves in a variety of ways from anger to embarrassment, from
> denial to disengagement in a manner that rarely touch other questions in
> American history.  Whatever weight Americans give to the American Revolution=
> ,
> the Jackson transformation, or the New Deal, their discussions rarely evoke
> the passion that often accompanies the question of slavery.  Yet, problems
> that accompany such passions also provide opportunities for engagement.
>
> Doubtless everyone who had taught slavery has seen--perhaps up close and
> personal--those passions set loose in the classroom.  We might begin our
> electronic discussion by eliciting successful strategies for defusing the ol=
> d
> myths, introducing the slavery=92s new history, and encouraging classroom
> engagement.
>
> Sincerely, Ira Berlin
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 1 Oct 1999 12:11:10 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Paddy Swiney 
Subject:      response to opening statement/response
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii

I think Don's point is well-taken, and I would suggest that the evoked
passion that Professor Berlin referred to might originate in the unspoken
assumption that blame should be laid somewhere.  If we are to look at
African slavery from an African point of view, then we need to understand
that slavery was an African as well as European institution.  This is
always touchy.  How can we study slavery without playing the blame game?
It obscures the point, which is to recognize slavery is still with us, in
multiple senses, and to set about eradicating it.
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 1 Oct 1999 14:19:30 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Rick Halpern 
Subject:      Re: query before we start on 1 October
Comments: To: Tracey Weis 

I think the idea of vetting student contributions to the discussion is a
very good one.  A further idea, which I most likely will implement, is to
have the students work in small groups to formulate queries and comments.
They can bounce their ideas off of one another and refine/sharpen them
before they appear in the forum.

BTW, several of you have emailed me pointing out that my slavery site on AOL
is down.  It's a problem with AOL -- they hope to have it sorted by the end
of the day today (Friday 1 Oct).  Sorry.  There are reasons havingto do with
both control/copyright as well as interactivity why the site resides on AOL
and not on my institution's server.  I'd be glad to correspond with anyone
interested in the details.

Rick Halpern
University College London
=========================================================================
Date:         Sat, 2 Oct 1999 21:32:17 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Richard Joyce 
Subject:      Slave Work

Although I am but a high school teacher who has not done primary research on slavery but has read many of the top books on the topic, please allow me to share what I teach my students about the work of slaves.  I realize this outline is brief, but I feel it does provide them with a good basic understanding of something that was central to slave life.  This concept of slave work comes mostly from a bookdealing with American workers  by  Jacqueline Jones.

                               SLAVES WORKED:
I.  For their owners
    A.  Gang system
    B.  Task system
II. For themselves
    A.  Cooking, washing, fishing, trapping
    B.  Gardens, plots & livestock (slaves' "internal or domestic economy"
    C.  "Overwork" for pay from master --above & beyond normal workweek
III. For others
=========================================================================
Date:         Sat, 2 Oct 1999 21:41:27 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Richard Joyce 
Subject:      Slave Work

Although I am a high school teacher who has not done primary research on slavery but has read many of the top books on the topic, please allow me to share what I teach my students about the work of slaves.  I realize this outline is brief, but I feel that, when explained in detail, it does provide them with a good basic understanding of something that was central to slave life.  This concept of slave work comes mostly from a book dealing with American workers  by  Jacqueline Jones.

                               SLAVES WORKED:
I.  For their owners
    A.  Gang system--discuss role of overseer, driver
    B.  Task system
II. For themselves
    A.  Cooking, washing, raising children,  fishing, trapping
    B.  Gardens, plots & livestock (slaves' "internal or domestic economy")
    C.  "Overwork" for pay from master --above & beyond normal workweek
III. For others
    A. Slave hiring
    B. "Self-hire"
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 3 Oct 1999 12:41:34 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Beatrice Fabbri 
Subject:      french colonies
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1

How american intellectuals interpretate the attitude of french slavery
insurrections (during the french revolution, notably in 1791)and how faced
the attitude of french establishment that was against total liberation of
slaves ?

My subject of analysis is Olympe de Gouges works, I'm writing a thesis on
her, and I'm now analysing her playwright's production,she wrote an
interesting pi=E8ce entitled : L'Esclavage des Noirs (last edition 1792, the=

first title was Zamore et Mirza ou l'heurex naufrage and was less
politically involved the latest version of 1792 faced clearly Amis des
Noirs'advices)
I'd like to know your opinion on the first two questions.

Best
Beatrice Fabbri
(Florence-Italy)
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 3 Oct 1999 19:03:32 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Donna Stokes-Lucas 
Subject:      Re: Slave Work
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

One other area in relationship with Slave Work that maybe was included in
J.Jones
but not mention in your outline is Artisans. These enslaved Africans came
here with many
skills and crafts, that would net the slave owner extra bucks by hiring
out(as mention)  Also allowing the slave to earn money in many cases to
purchase his
or her freedom as well as their family members.
Some of these occupations would include
Blacksmiths
Pottery makers
Seamstress
Weavers
Carvers
Furniture Makers
Carpentry
With vast skill in designing some of the most beautiful homes
Landscaping
often times slaves are represented as just laborers, cooks, nannies,field
hands
etc. With no regard that they came to America with vast skills that were
exploded. Paul Cuffie was a major Ship Builder in the 1700's.
Some  of the many household items that we use today came out of slavery
but the credit in the development went to the master.
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 3 Oct 1999 21:43:10 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         "Donald R. Shaffer" 
Subject:      Re: Opening Statement

Dear Colleagues,

Don's (in New York) point is well taken, but which African point-of-view
would he suggest we view slavery from?  Don mentions "African peoples" but
the rest of his message implies on monolithic African point-of-view.  How
can we talk about an Afro-centric viewpoint when there was a bewildering
variety of African languages, societies, and cultures in West Africa
alone?  It seems to be me that any discussion of an African point-of-view
would be interesting, but posssibly meaninglessly reductionist.  After all,
wasn't the Alantic slave trade sustained by a supply of "Africans" made
possible by the fact Africans did not identify themselves as Africans, but
as members of more more specific socio-cultural groups?

Respectfully submitted,
                          Don (in Wyoming)
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 4 Oct 1999 21:56:41 +0000
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         don@ACSC.MEC.CUNY.EDU
Subject:      Re: Opening Statement

Deasr Colleagues,

Don (in Wyoming) asks "How can we talk about an Afro-centric viewpoint when
there was a bewildering variety of African languages, societies, and cultures in

West Africa alone?"  Would that not also apply to a discussion of the
Renaissance
or fascism or Marxism or Post Modernism?  The African slave trade, from an
African perspective, included nations, engendered identities, linguistic
families,
religious diffferences, ethnic antagonisms, ruling elites, class warfare, and
class privilege.
All to be included in the discussion.  How else do we make sense out of modern
Africa
or African slavery as a global phenomenon?  From what other perspective can we
understand contemporary African American and African Caribbean American peoples
and their ancestors?

> Dear Colleagues,
>
> Don's (in New York) point is well taken, but which African point-of-view
> would he suggest we view slavery from?  Don mentions "African peoples" but
> the rest of his message implies on monolithic African point-of-view.  How
> can we talk about an Afro-centric viewpoint when there was a bewildering
> variety of African languages, societies, and cultures in West Africa
> alone?  It seems to be me that any discussion of an African point-of-view
> would be interesting, but posssibly meaninglessly reductionist.  After all,
> wasn't the Alantic slave trade sustained by a supply of "Africans" made
> possible by the fact Africans did not identify themselves as Africans, but
> as members of more more specific socio-cultural groups?
>
> Respectfully submitted,
>                           Don (in Wyoming)
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 4 Oct 1999 19:00:24 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Dennis Lawrence 
Subject:      Re: Opening Statement
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1

Greetings,

     Dr. Berlin suggests we begin by "eliciting successful strategies for
defusing the old myths, introducing the slavery=92s new history, and
encouraging classroom engagement."

     As a high school teacher in Kansas City,Kansas, I have found that it is=

sometimes productive to work "backward" from our community to slavery to put=

it in a context that invites students to engage in new research.

   As an example, we are engaged in an immigration study of how the various
ethnic groups arrived in Kansas. (Students are always amazed that anyone
came here on purpose :-) We use various benchmarks in history.  In the
African American migratin to our area, we "know" that between 6,000 and
20,000 African Americans left the South in 1879, the year of the
Exoduster.  We test this "knowledge" by accessing the Kansas State Census
for 1875 and 1885 and recording the data available for each black immigrant
from the South to our area.  Students then work backwards to determine "why"=

they left. Which leads into sharecropping and to slavery, and suddenly
Kansas - through historical perspective - looks like a logical choice.

     The questions about slavery and its legacy in our community arise
naturally and from the students.  Spin-off research allows students to
explore related questions about the community.

     Some of their data is already on line at
http://www.arthes.com/community/delaware/1875.html
http://www.arthes.com/community/delaware/1885.html

   Shameless plug :-)  But the kids are working hard, and I think using your=

own community as a portal into slavery and its legacy is one way to engage
the kids in new history of slavery and its legacy.

Take Care

Dennis Lawrence
Washington High School
English Teacher
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 4 Oct 1999 19:41:30 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: Opening Statement
In-Reply-To:  <19991004221150542.AAA296.255@[199.219.186.3]>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        i want to suggest that trying to consider from which "viewpoint"
of which "bewildering mass" of african folk we will consider in discussing
slavery is to make the inconsequential critical.


Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
School of Arts and Humanities           that we be seen as whole people
Studies in Literature                   in our actual complexities - as
ext 2018 JO 4.118                       individuals, as women, as human -
nia@utdallas.edu                        rather than as one of those
                                        problematic but familiar
                                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"

On Mon, 4 Oct 1999 don@ACSC.MEC.CUNY.EDU wrote:

> Deasr Colleagues,
>
> Don (in Wyoming) asks "How can we talk about an Afro-centric viewpoint when
> there was a bewildering variety of African languages, societies, and cultures in
>
> West Africa alone?"  Would that not also apply to a discussion of the
> Renaissance
> or fascism or Marxism or Post Modernism?  The African slave trade, from an
> African perspective, included nations, engendered identities, linguistic
> families,
> religious diffferences, ethnic antagonisms, ruling elites, class warfare, and
> class privilege.
> All to be included in the discussion.  How else do we make sense out of modern
> Africa
> or African slavery as a global phenomenon?  From what other perspective can we
> understand contemporary African American and African Caribbean American peoples
> and their ancestors?
>
> > Dear Colleagues,
> >
> > Don's (in New York) point is well taken, but which African point-of-view
> > would he suggest we view slavery from?  Don mentions "African peoples" but
> > the rest of his message implies on monolithic African point-of-view.  How
> > can we talk about an Afro-centric viewpoint when there was a bewildering
> > variety of African languages, societies, and cultures in West Africa
> > alone?  It seems to be me that any discussion of an African point-of-view
> > would be interesting, but posssibly meaninglessly reductionist.  After all,
> > wasn't the Alantic slave trade sustained by a supply of "Africans" made
> > possible by the fact Africans did not identify themselves as Africans, but
> > as members of more more specific socio-cultural groups?
> >
> > Respectfully submitted,
> >                           Don (in Wyoming)
>
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 4 Oct 1999 20:49:31 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         "Donald R. Shaffer" 
Subject:      Re: Opening Statement

Dear Colleagues,

I'm not saying we shouldn't try to study slavery from an African point-of
view.  The problem is whether a representative African point-of-view exists
given the cultural diversity on the continent.  Would Don (in New York)
have some idea where we should start and where?  Would the Africans chosen
really get us closer to an African point-of-view or merely to an overly
reductionist representation of such, flavored by what certain modern
scholars wish they had perceived about the slavery.

Don in Wyoming
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 4 Oct 1999 23:24:15 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         EUGENE BENNETT 
Subject:      Re: query before we start on 1 October
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

Pennee,

Just a note to advise you that a week-long conference is being sponsored by
the NYU Dept of Africana Studies starting tomorrow that deals with slave
routes.  The address is www.nyu.edu/gsas/dept/africana.The other
participants might be intersted and able to participate in some of the
workshops. Some events are being held at different venues other than NYU.
Please forward this message.
Catherine Scott
----- Original Message -----
From: Pennee Bender 
To: 
Sent: Wednesday, September 29, 1999 1:38 PM
Subject: Re: query before we start on 1 October


> Dear colleagues,
>
> As the Talking History Forum coordinator, I would like to encourage
> student engagement with the discussion as long as the focus remains
> on the process of teaching and leaning about slavery.  Tracey's plan
> of asking students to submit their comments for review prior to
> posting sounds like a good strategy for teachers who want to use the
> forum as part of a course.  The issue of student participation in
> these forums has not been raised before.  I think the question of how
> these forums can be used in the classroom is a worthwhile topic for
> discussion, or in this case in a "pre-forum" discussion.
>
> Pennee Bender
>
>
>
> At 9:11 AM -0400 9/29/99, Rick Halpern wrote:
> >Will we open this discussion to our students, or is it meant for
teachers?
> >I ask because I teach a year long documents-based course on slavery and
> >emancipation that has a significant computing/Internet component, and the
> >students might benefit from lurking around the edges of the slavery
forum.
> >On the other hand, I know how annoying uninformed student participation
can
> >be on some of the H-NET lists.
> >
> >BTW, those interested in our undergraduate courses with web sites can go
> >here for a browse:  http://www.ucl.ac.uk/history/courses
> >
> >Rick Halpern
> >University College London
>
> Pennee Bender
> Multi-Media Producer
> 212/966-4248 ext. 215
> Fax -212/966-4589
> American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
> Graduate School and University Center
> The City University of New York
> 99 Hudson Street
> New York, NY 10013
>
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 00:27:09 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  <000a01bf0ee1$1b280020$b1fa6420@default>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

As a longtime participant (and moderator) of a civil war history newsgroup
I often see modern Americans argue that even if (1860s North American) slavery
was not a positive good, it was superior to the state of many contemporary free
workers.  Looking only at  the material measures; food, clothing, mortality etc.

it's not hard to find evidence that a subset of a free population (if not in
North America, then in Europe, if not there then in Africa) that was "worse off"

than a typical slave.

My response lately has been to point out that, for example, it is unlikely that
even one of the poorly fed, and shabbily clothed men, about to make a near
suicidal attack like Gettysburg's "Pickett's Charge" would have traded places
with a nice safe slave on a peaceful plantation.

Just lately I came across another, more modern illustration of the relative
importance of physical to moral issues  when I heard about young cancer
patients.  It seems that when the children were asked to rank the various
sources of pain in  their life, they responded that being teased about being
bald was worse then the pain of chemotherapy, or a bone marrow procedure.  Which
reminded me of a summer my daughter spent a while back.  The first two months
were in a day camp where she was teased and bullied a bit.  Then she spent two
weeks in a hospital during which she was on a complete fast (nothing but water
and diet soda), had electrodes attached to her head, and IV tubes in her arm 24
hours a day.  Asked what was worse, camp or hospital, she quickly responded
"summer camp."

Which is to say that the real horrors of slavery were the non-material things.

Anyone care to expand on, disagree with this?  Or just point me to some good
books that discuss this issue.

Michael L. Furlan
moderator news:soc.history.war.us-civil-war
newsgroup webpage http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/Delta/7002
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 08:48:57 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        must agree with you - "the real horror of slavery. . .
nonmaterial" and encourage you to continue pointing this fact out to less
critical readers of the *text* of slavery.

        personally, i get a little annoyed when the question is presented
to me in another fashion:  it is pointd out to me, often, that blacks
enslaved each other and that *we* really have no argument with europeans
who did likewise.

        my response is usually to point out that the enslavement process
in africa did indeed begin with the africans themselves - north africans
(arabians) who enslaved tribes and then converted them to islam and then
freed them.  (one would not enslave a *brother* so once members converted
to islam, their freedom was restored - certainly, i am shortcutting here).
phillis wheatley's tribe had most likely been so enslaved prior to her
enslavement in the new world.  as a result, wheatley knew the arabic
script and language - perhaps one reason she learned the english script so
well *within 17 months of being in the wheatley household*.

        however, the fact that africans enslaved africans does not make
slavery and the european manifest destiny of which it was a part *right*.
to compare the two is to commit a logical fallacy - oversimplification, i
think, at the very least.




Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
School of Arts and Humanities           that we be seen as whole people
Studies in Literature                   in our actual complexities - as
ext 2018 JO 4.118                       individuals, as women, as human -
nia@utdallas.edu                        rather than as one of those
                                        problematic but familiar
                                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 08:50:31 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        re: books:
                try Francis Smith Foster's _Antebellum Slave Narratives_
                Janet Cornelius Duitsman _When I Can Read my Title Clear_
                Mellon's _Bullwhip Days_
                for starters


Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
School of Arts and Humanities           that we be seen as whole people
Studies in Literature                   in our actual complexities - as
ext 2018 JO 4.118                       individuals, as women, as human -
nia@utdallas.edu                        rather than as one of those
                                        problematic but familiar
                                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 12:22:17 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Gunja SenGupta 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"

As a very new member of the forum, I was rather stunned to see issues of
comparative slavery/labor conditions framed by the question "So what was so
bad about slavery?" The crux of the debate, as I see it, is not whether
North American slavery  was "better" or "worse" than unfree labor systems
elsewhere, but rather the ways in which it was different from those other
systems and why. As for comparisons between slave and wage laborers, I am
reminded of the controversy over the frequency of slave whippings: the issue
for slaves was not that per capita whippings were fewer than used to be
thought, but rather the knowledge (translated into a demoralizing
apprehension) that such whippings could take place at all.

> ----------
> From:         Michael Furlan[SMTP:furlanm@AGORON.COM]
> Sent:         Thursday, October 07, 1999 12:27 AM
> To:   SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU
> Subject:      "So what was so bad about slavery?"
>
> As a longtime participant (and moderator) of a civil war history newsgroup
> I often see modern Americans argue that even if (1860s North American)
> slavery
> was not a positive good, it was superior to the state of many contemporary
> free
> workers.  Looking only at  the material measures; food, clothing,
> mortality etc.
>
> it's not hard to find evidence that a subset of a free population (if not
> in
> North America, then in Europe, if not there then in Africa) that was
> "worse off"
>
> than a typical slave.
>
> My response lately has been to point out that, for example, it is unlikely
> that
> even one of the poorly fed, and shabbily clothed men, about to make a near
> suicidal attack like Gettysburg's "Pickett's Charge" would have traded
> places
> with a nice safe slave on a peaceful plantation.
>
> Just lately I came across another, more modern illustration of the
> relative
> importance of physical to moral issues  when I heard about young cancer
> patients.  It seems that when the children were asked to rank the various
> sources of pain in  their life, they responded that being teased about
> being
> bald was worse then the pain of chemotherapy, or a bone marrow procedure.
> Which
> reminded me of a summer my daughter spent a while back.  The first two
> months
> were in a day camp where she was teased and bullied a bit.  Then she spent
> two
> weeks in a hospital during which she was on a complete fast (nothing but
> water
> and diet soda), had electrodes attached to her head, and IV tubes in her
> arm 24
> hours a day.  Asked what was worse, camp or hospital, she quickly
> responded
> "summer camp."
>
> Which is to say that the real horrors of slavery were the non-material
> things.
>
> Anyone care to expand on, disagree with this?  Or just point me to some
> good
> books that discuss this issue.
>
> Michael L. Furlan
> moderator news:soc.history.war.us-civil-war
> newsgroup webpage http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/Delta/7002
>
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 11:34:17 -0600
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Peter Cole 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII
Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable

I want to second Gunja SenGupta's point about the arbitrariness of =
quanitfying how horrific slavery was.  The debate over whipping being =
referred to is Gutman's critique of Fogel and Engerman's efforts to =
measure the material lives of enslaved blacks and, I believe, Gutman is =
right on.

But what is also interesting about the white Southern defense of slavery =
is its anti-capitalist implications.  Clearly, slavery was anything but a =
"positive good" for those enslaved but that slaveholders defended their =
labor system by attacking the emerging wage labor system of the North =
(industrial capitalism) is both fascinating and indicative of their (and =
Northern "free labor" supporters) commitment to some of the American =
Revolution's ideals of republicanism--especially notions of independence =
as the bulwark of a free society.


Peter Cole
Department of History
Boise State University
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 15:41:23 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

On Thu, 7 Oct 1999 11:34:17 -0600, Peter Cole   wrote:

>Gutman's critique of Fogel and Engerman's

Or even consider Fogel's WITHOUT CONSENT OR CONTRACT, 388 pages of discussion of
slavery, and then the Afterword that essential argues, "Yes, but it was still
wrong."

>
>But what is also interesting about the white Southern defense of slavery is its anti-capitalist implications.

More interesting to me is Eugene Genovese's embrace of "The Southern Tradition"
as the only possible alternative to capitalism after the failure of his first
love Socialism.
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 15:41:34 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

Thanks for the recommendations!

How about any fiction tittles, particularly juvenile literature?

I like Fatima Shaik's MELITTE for example.

Michael L. Furlan
moderator news:soc.history.war.us-civil-war
newsgroup webpage http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/Delta/7002

On Thu, 7 Oct 1999 08:50:31 -0500, you wrote:

>        re: books:
>                try Francis Smith Foster's _Antebellum Slave Narratives_
>                Janet Cornelius Duitsman _When I Can Read my Title Clear_
>                Mellon's _Bullwhip Days_
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 15:48:33 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

On Thu, 7 Oct 1999 08:48:57 -0500,   c  wrote:
>        personally, i get a little annoyed when the question is presented
>to me in another fashion:  it is pointd out to me, often, that blacks
>enslaved each other and that *we* really have no argument with europeans
>who did likewise.

What made my blood boil most recently was hearing friends of mine argue that
"slaves were valuable property, why would a slave owner mistreat a slave?"
"People today don't smash their cars up just for the fun of it."

I'll leave it to you to untangle that ball of confusion.

Michael L. Furlan
moderator news:soc.history.war.us-civil-war
newsgroup webpage http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/Delta/7002
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 15:56:07 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Stephen Whitman 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        Earlier posts have argued against assessing slavery purely in
terms of material conditions of slave life, or the statistical incidence
of brutality, family break-up, and the like.  Along these lines, two
further observations.

        First, a prime advantage for slaveholders in the "uneven contest"
that Ira Berlin describes, lay in their ability to define and redefine the
context within which the master-slave relationship existed.  Slaves might
negotiate concessions from masters about work time, marital relations, or
economic activity, but masters could and did reinterpret these concessions
or withdraw them as their interests dictated.  A slave might win the right
to hire his own time, hoping thereby to increase his value to a master,
and avoid being sold apart from his spouse.  But a master might discover
that such a highly valuable slave could most readily be converted into
cash by sale, and proceed to do so.  (See Wm. Still's __Underground
Railroad__ for numerous stories on this theme.)

        The master's power to recontextualize his relations with the slave
meant that the concessions to slave interests likely to be most
consistently honored would be those that most consistently advanced the
master's interests.  From a slave's perspective, you could only count on
gaining and retaining measures of autonomy through activities that
underwrote or reinforced the whole institution of slavery.  You might, for
example, be allowed even to buy yourself out of slavery, but only at
prices that ensured your master had plenty of money to buy more slaves.

        The sense that concessions won by slaves could become props to
slavery may well have been one of the most "insidious" aspects of slavery,
to quote from Christopher Morris, who expounds these ideas in a 1998 piece
in the Journal of American History, entitled _The Articulation of Two
Worlds: The Master-Slave Relationship Reconsidered__.

        Steve Whitman, Mt. St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, MD
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 16:36:21 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

What made my blood boil most recently was hearing friends of mine argue
that
"slaves were valuable property, why would a slave owner mistreat a slave?"
"People today don't smash their cars up just for the fun of it."

        i would point my *friends* attention to the fact that the argument
they present is rife with fallacy.  first and foremost, they are commiting
the logical fallacy of false analogy.  a person - even a person
considered to be ones *property* - is not a car. the two
cannot be compared.




Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
School of Arts and Humanities           that we be seen as whole people
Studies in Literature                   in our actual complexities - as
ext 2018 JO 4.118                       individuals, as women, as human -
nia@utdallas.edu                        rather than as one of those
                                        problematic but familiar
                                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Thu, 7 Oct 1999 16:43:05 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

How about any fiction tittles, particularly juvenile literature?

        i don't know of any juvenile titles - that's not my area so
unfortunately i have not researched it.  however, i think one of my
professors is on this list (dr. blyden - you there?).  if not i can ask
her about some juvenile titles.


Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
School of Arts and Humanities           that we be seen as whole people
Studies in Literature                   in our actual complexities - as
ext 2018 JO 4.118                       individuals, as women, as human -
nia@utdallas.edu                        rather than as one of those
                                        problematic but familiar
                                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 8 Oct 1999 11:45:33 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Ira Berlin 
Subject:      Slave Forum, week one
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII

----------------------
Ira Berlin
iberlin@deans.umd.edu
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 8 Oct 1999 15:05:31 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         David Cecil 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1"
Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit

Although I have not been confronted with the argument that slavery was
materially superior to Northern free labor, if I was I would respond by
asking the person who made this argument exactly how much material benefit
they would have to receive in order to induce them to give up their freedom
of speech, religion association, etc.  It is unlikely that anyone would give
up their "rights" for a marginally better material existence.

-----Original Message-----
From: Michael Furlan 
To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU

Date: Thursday, October 07, 1999 12:33 AM
Subject: "So what was so bad about slavery?"


>As a longtime participant (and moderator) of a civil war history newsgroup
>I often see modern Americans argue that even if (1860s North American)
slavery
>was not a positive good, it was superior to the state of many contemporary
free
>workers.  Looking only at  the material measures; food, clothing, mortality
etc.
>
>it's not hard to find evidence that a subset of a free population (if not
in
>North America, then in Europe, if not there then in Africa) that was "worse
off"
>
>than a typical slave.
>
>My response lately has been to point out that, for example, it is unlikely
that
>even one of the poorly fed, and shabbily clothed men, about to make a near
>suicidal attack like Gettysburg's "Pickett's Charge" would have traded
places
>with a nice safe slave on a peaceful plantation.
>
>Just lately I came across another, more modern illustration of the relative
>importance of physical to moral issues  when I heard about young cancer
>patients.  It seems that when the children were asked to rank the various
>sources of pain in  their life, they responded that being teased about
being
>bald was worse then the pain of chemotherapy, or a bone marrow procedure.
Which
>reminded me of a summer my daughter spent a while back.  The first two
months
>were in a day camp where she was teased and bullied a bit.  Then she spent
two
>weeks in a hospital during which she was on a complete fast (nothing but
water
>and diet soda), had electrodes attached to her head, and IV tubes in her
arm 24
>hours a day.  Asked what was worse, camp or hospital, she quickly responded
>"summer camp."
>
>Which is to say that the real horrors of slavery were the non-material
things.
>
>Anyone care to expand on, disagree with this?  Or just point me to some
good
>books that discuss this issue.
>
>Michael L. Furlan
>moderator news:soc.history.war.us-civil-war
>newsgroup webpage http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/Delta/7002
>
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 8 Oct 1999 17:35:40 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: "So what was so bad about slavery?"
In-Reply-To:  <000401bf11c0$194af8c0$15e0bfa8@computer>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        i want to say that i am enjoying this discussion wherein we appear
to be discussing a *text* of slavery and employing logos to *analyze* that
text.  a delightful exercise.


Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
School of Arts and Humanities           that we be seen as whole people
Studies in Literature                   in our actual complexities - as
ext 2018 JO 4.118                       individuals, as women, as human -
nia@utdallas.edu                        rather than as one of those
                                        problematic but familiar
                                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Sat, 9 Oct 1999 14:41:01 +0200
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Daniel Goodey 
Subject:      Anti-Slavery International
MIME-Version: 1.0
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Anti-Slavery International - Home Page - Remember to Bookmark this page.

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=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 11 Oct 1999 11:11:55 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Stephen Whitman 
Subject:      Re: Material conditions of slaves and wage workers
In-Reply-To:  <000401bf11c0$194af8c0$15e0bfa8@computer>
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        Frederick Douglass reportedly parried this question by noting that
"my old job on the planatation is still open" if anyone wanted to apply
for it.  'Nuff said.

        For those who teach slavery, a more extended treatment of the same
question appears in Solomon Northup's __Twelve Years A Slave__ (available
in paperback from LSU Press).  Northup's slave narrative is particularly
effective because Northup was born free.  His views on slavery, written in
1852, are designed among other things, to refute the notion that slaves
were better off than free blacks (or other free workers).  This book, in
my experience, engages students more than any other slave narrative.

        Steve Whitman, Mt. St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, MD
=========================================================================
Date:         Tue, 12 Oct 1999 09:47:50 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Pennee Bender 
Subject:      Ira Berlin --Week One
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" ; format="flowed"

Dear Forum Participants --

There seems a problem with the listserve software that is sending
some messages as blanks.  We are looking into it.  In the meantime I
am forwarding Ira Berlin's comments and apologize that they are so
delayed in reaching the forum.

Thanks for your patience, Pennee Bender


Folks:


After more than a week of electronic conversation, we have about
three discussions going.  Let me comment on them, perhaps to draw
them together.

1. First, on the perspectives historians take in writing about
slavery, I would urge that they should treat it like every other
matter of historical concern.  That is, they should view slavery from
every side of the table: that of the slave, the slaveowner, and the
nonslaveholder, white and black.  What is interesting here is how
historians define their categories, for each must be historicized and
hence is problematic.  The slave perspective is not coincident with
the African or black perspective, any more than the slaveholder
perspective is coincident with the European or European-American
perspective.  It is precisely in defining the meaning of "African" or
"black" (or North or South, male or female, for that matter) and
understanding when, where, and how they emerge as a meaningful
categories that interests us as historians.  The recent work of
Michael Gomez, EXCHANGING OUR COUNTRY MARKS, makes some important
suggestions in that direction.

2. Second, several people have suggested how the discussion of what
slaves do most of the time--work--is a useful entry into the
classroom discussion of slavery.  I am very sympathetic with this
approach and have employed it myself.  I find it gets students
involved in questions of the nature of slavery in terms of the
day-to-day struggle between masters and slaves and the larger
questions about domination--moral and practical.  In this respect, it
addresses the very important point made by Stephen Whitman respecting
the power of slaves to control their own lives and the power of the
owning class to control them.  It is the overwhelming power of the
owners that nullifies the facile comparison between slavery and other
forms of domination.  "The good machinist oils his machines" analogy
have never carried much weigh.

3.  Finally, let me note the fascinating project that links the
immigration of former slaves with the experience of other new
arrivals in Kansas during the nineteenth century.  Such projects,
which beg the question of what kinds of cultural baggage black people
carried out of slavery, I believe, provide an excellent mechanism for
integrating slavery into an understanding of American society.  I
hope we can hear more about it and about other similar projects.

4.  Finally, finally, I would very much like to incorporate the late
arriving commentary from Steven Mintz respecting the disruptive
effects of the American Revolution on slavery into our conversation.
Short of the Civil War, no event had as powerful an impact on chattel
bondage in mainland North America.  Mintz's comments offers all sorts
of opportunities to connect slavery's mainland history with that of
the rest of the Atlantic and to compare the impact of the Revolution
and the Civil War.  Let's take them.

----------------------
Ira Berlin
iberlin@deans.umd.edu
Pennee Bender
Multi-Media Producer
212/966-4248 ext. 215
Fax -212/966-4589
American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
Graduate School and University Center
The City University of New York
99 Hudson Street
New York, NY 10013
=========================================================================
Date:         Wed, 13 Oct 1999 12:43:35 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Guocun Yang 
Organization: Manchester Community Technical College
Subject:      Re: Ira Berlin --Week One
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Hi Pennee. Thank you for sending Berlin's summary comments. Reading his
message makes feel that more people participated than I have seen. I am
particularly interested in reading Steven Mintz' remarks mentioned in the
summaries. If possible without much work, could please forward  a copy of
Mintz's message?
Sincerely,
Guocun Yang

Pennee Bender wrote:

> Dear Forum Participants --
>
> There seems a problem with the listserve software that is sending
> some messages as blanks.  We are looking into it.  In the meantime I
> am forwarding Ira Berlin's comments and apologize that they are so
> delayed in reaching the forum.
>
> Thanks for your patience, Pennee Bender
>
> Folks:
>
> After more than a week of electronic conversation, we have about
> three discussions going.  Let me comment on them, perhaps to draw
> them together.
>
> 1. First, on the perspectives historians take in writing about
> slavery, I would urge that they should treat it like every other
> matter of historical concern.  That is, they should view slavery from
> every side of the table: that of the slave, the slaveowner, and the
> nonslaveholder, white and black.  What is interesting here is how
> historians define their categories, for each must be historicized and
> hence is problematic.  The slave perspective is not coincident with
> the African or black perspective, any more than the slaveholder
> perspective is coincident with the European or European-American
> perspective.  It is precisely in defining the meaning of "African" or
> "black" (or North or South, male or female, for that matter) and
> understanding when, where, and how they emerge as a meaningful
> categories that interests us as historians.  The recent work of
> Michael Gomez, EXCHANGING OUR COUNTRY MARKS, makes some important
> suggestions in that direction.
>
> 2. Second, several people have suggested how the discussion of what
> slaves do most of the time--work--is a useful entry into the
> classroom discussion of slavery.  I am very sympathetic with this
> approach and have employed it myself.  I find it gets students
> involved in questions of the nature of slavery in terms of the
> day-to-day struggle between masters and slaves and the larger
> questions about domination--moral and practical.  In this respect, it
> addresses the very important point made by Stephen Whitman respecting
> the power of slaves to control their own lives and the power of the
> owning class to control them.  It is the overwhelming power of the
> owners that nullifies the facile comparison between slavery and other
> forms of domination.  "The good machinist oils his machines" analogy
> have never carried much weigh.
>
> 3.  Finally, let me note the fascinating project that links the
> immigration of former slaves with the experience of other new
> arrivals in Kansas during the nineteenth century.  Such projects,
> which beg the question of what kinds of cultural baggage black people
> carried out of slavery, I believe, provide an excellent mechanism for
> integrating slavery into an understanding of American society.  I
> hope we can hear more about it and about other similar projects.
>
> 4.  Finally, finally, I would very much like to incorporate the late
> arriving commentary from Steven Mintz respecting the disruptive
> effects of the American Revolution on slavery into our conversation.
> Short of the Civil War, no event had as powerful an impact on chattel
> bondage in mainland North America.  Mintz's comments offers all sorts
> of opportunities to connect slavery's mainland history with that of
> the rest of the Atlantic and to compare the impact of the Revolution
> and the Civil War.  Let's take them.
>
> ----------------------
> Ira Berlin
> iberlin@deans.umd.edu
> Pennee Bender
> Multi-Media Producer
> 212/966-4248 ext. 215
> Fax -212/966-4589
> American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
> Graduate School and University Center
> The City University of New York
> 99 Hudson Street
> New York, NY 10013

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=========================================================================
Date:         Wed, 13 Oct 1999 15:24:27 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Paddy Swiney 
Subject:      Re: Ira Berlin --Week One
Mime-Version: 1.0
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I , too would like Steven Mintz' remarks, as I now have Ira Berlin's in
duplicate.  Thanks!
P.D. Swiney
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 15 Oct 1999 11:54:18 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Pennee Bender 
Subject:      Steven Mintz's comments
Mime-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" ; format="flowed"

Dear Forum Participants --

Steven Mintz's  comments that Ira Berlin referred to in his last post
were actually posted to another listserve, but he has agreed to also
post them here.  So here they are:

On the Slavery discussion list 
I posed a question: I wanted to know how slavery specialists
explain how the institution was reestablished in the South in
the aftermath of the Revolution. The Revolution--which was
mainly fought in the South--had extraordinarily disruptive
effects on the institution of slavery. Probably a third of
Georgia's slaves, and 25,000 South Carolina slaves, became
free as a result of the fighting.

Yet in the war's aftermath, as Professor Berlin has shown,
Southern slavery was not only re-imposed, it was strengthened.
As the Slavery list discussion made clear, the process through
which Southern slavery was re-consolidated is still largely
unexplored.

The strengthening of slavery following the Revolution,
raises a frightening possibility: that had Lincoln
failed to win reelection in 1864 (and as late as the summer
of '64 he was convinced that he would lose), then it is
conceivable that slavery might have been preserved or
reestablished in a postwar South. Professor Berlin has shown
the extent to which enslaved African Americans freed themselves
by weakening and disrupting th slave system during the
Civil War. But despite wartime upheaval and the flight of tens of
thousands  of slaves to contraband camps and enlistment of tens of
thousands of former slaves in the Union army, slavery might yet
have been maintained if the North and South had reached some
kind of negotiated settlement.  Lincoln himself predicted that
slavery would last until the 1960s.

Please feel free to send these thoughts to the forum.  I'd
be very interested in others' thoughts.

Sincerely,
Steven Mintz
University of Houston
Pennee Bender
Multi-Media Producer
212/966-4248 ext. 215
Fax -212/966-4589
American Social History Project/Center for Media and Learning
Graduate School and University Center
The City University of New York
99 Hudson Street
New York, NY 10013
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 15 Oct 1999 12:15:50 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Paddy Swiney 
Subject:      Re: Steven Mintz's comments
Mime-Version: 1.0
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I am not a slavery scholar, but it was my understanding that importation
was not illegal until 1808, and smuggling continued after that.  And
slavery persisted in the North as well, under gradual emancipation schemes.
As for slavery lasting until the 1960's, under jim crow forms, it did,
didn't it?
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 15 Oct 1999 14:35:18 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Comments:     SoVerNet Verification (on garnet.sover.net) svjcbiti from
              arc1a88.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.216] 207.136.201.216 Fri, 15
              Oct 1999 14:27:20 -0400 (EDT)
From:         Stephen Homick 
Subject:      Re: Steven Mintz's comments
In-Reply-To:  <8625680B.005EA05D.00@notes.tulsa.cc.ok.us>
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El 15 Oct 99, a las 12:15, Paddy Swiney  scripsit:

> I am not a slavery scholar, but it was my understanding that
> importation was not illegal until 1808, and smuggling continued
> after that.

Actually, the Constitution's so-called importation  clause (Art.
I:9:1)enjoined Congress from enacting any legislation to prohibit
the trade before 1808; it didn't obligate Congress in any way
shape or form to ban traffic in slaves. In the context of the
First Article generally, the clause perversely undercut the power
granted Congress under the commerce clause (I:8:3).

In this and other parts of the Constitution that make albeit
oblique reference to the peculiar institution, one glimpses the
twisted, tortured Byzantine reasoning needed to reconcile the grim
reality of unalloyed human bondage with guiding principles that
trumpeted the fundamental equality and imprescriptible, God-given
rights of "all men."

That said, perhaps it might be useful to broaden the scope of
Mintz's query to embrace the Declaration of Independence. For
instance, how was it was received among slaveholders?

Homick
Champlain College
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 15 Oct 1999 21:54:13 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <86256809.0070096A.00@notes.tulsa.cc.ok.us>
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Has anyone come up with a better short definition than Patterson's (I am working
from memory):

Slavery: The permanent, violent domination of a natally alienated and generally
dishonored people.
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 15 Oct 1999 22:07:19 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <5tkHOEuXFvO5REknfN7ApJdAldSK@4ax.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
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        i want to suggest that the term captivity, rather than slavery,
best defines the status of African peoples kidnapped from their homeland.
the term is not mine - i appropriate it from dr. hal at the claremont
college.




Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
A Poetics of Black Women's              that we be seen as whole people
 Literature, 1773-Present               in our actual complexities - as
The University of Texas at Dallas       individuals, as women, as human -
School of Arts and Humanities           rather than as one of those
972 883 2019     Jo 4.118               problematic but familiar
nia@utdallas.edu                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"

On Fri, 15 Oct 1999, Michael Furlan wrote:

> Has anyone come up with a better short definition than Patterson's (I am working
> from memory):
>
> Slavery: The permanent, violent domination of a natally alienated and generally
> dishonored people.
>
=========================================================================
Date:         Fri, 15 Oct 1999 22:09:50 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <5tkHOEuXFvO5REknfN7ApJdAldSK@4ax.com>
MIME-Version: 1.0
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        more on the subject: *best definition of slavery* - i want to
suggest further that it is to the *captured* africans that we must look to
for a definition.  a definition from one not likely to have been
*enslaved* within that *peculiar institution* is a defintion from the
standpoint of privilege and is necessarily suspect.



Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
A Poetics of Black Women's              that we be seen as whole people
 Literature, 1773-Present               in our actual complexities - as
The University of Texas at Dallas       individuals, as women, as human -
School of Arts and Humanities           rather than as one of those
972 883 2019     Jo 4.118               problematic but familiar
nia@utdallas.edu                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Sat, 16 Oct 1999 00:27:13 -0400
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              arc1a87.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.215] 207.136.201.215 Sat, 16
              Oct 1999 00:21:32 -0400 (EDT)
From:         Stephen Homick 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <5tkHOEuXFvO5REknfN7ApJdAldSK@4ax.com>
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El 15 Oct 99, a las 21:54, Michael Furlan  scripsit:

> Has anyone come up with a better short definition than Patterson's (I am working
> from memory):
>
> Slavery: The permanent, violent domination of a natally alienated and generally
> dishonored people.

I believe you're referring to his _Slavery and social death: a
comparative study_ (ca. 1982, 1983). What sticks out in my mind
about it, is the proposition Patterson lays down that slavery is
anything but the "peculiar institution" it's been made out to be
in this country. What's more, if memory serves, he buttresses this
peculiar--at least as far as the conventional wisdom goes--
proposition with some very compelling evidence.

Now, the question of how to grapple with and perhaps refute
Patterson's peculiar proposition arises. If we accept his claim
that human bondage has always been part and parcel of the human
condition, then what's so peculiar about its onset and development
in the U.S? Correlatively, if the peculiarity of slavery, American
style can be established, then how might it best be taught to a
student audience that often as not has been lulled in self-
satisfied somnolence by--for want of better names--the "Yankee
Doodle" and "Magnolia" myths, respectively?

Homick
Champlain College

"Ira Furor Brevis Est "

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=========================================================================
Date:         Sat, 16 Oct 1999 12:32:59 +0200
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Daniel Goodey 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
MIME-Version: 1.0
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> Has anyone come up with a better short definition than Patterson's (I am
working
> from memory):
>
> Slavery: The permanent, violent domination of a natally alienated and
generally
> dishonored people.

Ngugi ma Thiong'o defines slavery as the exploitation, domination and
oppression of nations and peoples.

More specifically, he classifies slavery as one of three phases in history:
    (1) Slavery: This was the period when Africans were seized as slaves and
were shipped across the seas to build the New World of America, the West
Indies and Latin America.
The other two phases being:
    (2) Classical colonialism: Then came the period of direct colonial
occupation.  This was characterised by the exploitation of Africa's natural
resources and the exploitation of African labour by European capital.
Africa became the source of raw materials, the source of cheap labour and
also a market for European goods.  This exploitation was accompanied by
direct political rule and direct oppression and suppression of the people by
colonial armies and police.
    (3) Neo-colonialism: Then came the period of neo-colonialism under which
most of Africa now lives.  This has also been called the period of "flag
independence".  This means a situation where a client indigenous government
is ruling and oppressing people on behalf of American, European and Japanese
capital.  Such a regime acts as a policeman of international capital and
often mortgages a whole country for arms and crumbs from the masters' table.
It never changes the colonial economy of development and uneven
development.'

Ngugi wa Thiong'o, Writers in Politics (London: Heinemann Educational Books
Ltd., 1981),119-120.

--------------------------------------------------------
The following definition is taken from the organisation 'Anti-Slavery
International'
(cf. http://www.antislavery.org/ )

When it adopted an international treaty prohibiting slavery almost 60 years
ago, the United Nations' predecessor, the League of Nations, gave the
following definition of slavery:

"Slavery is the status or condition of a person over whom any or all of the
powers attaching to the right of ownership are exercised." (Article 1 (1) of
the 1926 Slavery Convention)

Although this Convention was intended primarily to abolish slavery and the
slave trade in countries where these were still legal practices, this
definition of slavery makes clear that the international community was also
determined to abolish a wide range of other practices which involved partial
"powers" of ownership and were considered to be "analogous to slavery", even
though they had not previously been defined as slavery. These included debt
bondage, false adoption (of children to work as domestic servants),
servitude imposed by serfdom or caste, and domestic slavery. Some of these
were the subject of explicit prohibition by the United Nations 1956
Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and
Institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery.

----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----

The value of understanding the slavery of the past is more than a simple
question of history.  It is an imperative for understanding international
and intranational relations today.

All the best,

Daniel

Daniel.Goodey@HIW.KULeuven.ac.Be
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 17 Oct 1999 00:24:40 +0000
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Shane White 
Organization: The University of Sydney
Subject:      Re Ira Berlin's Summary of Week 1
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On 18 October 1821, before a crowd of some 700 whites and 1500 blacks,
the sheriff of Princess Ann, in Somerset County Maryland, executed
Jenny, a 70-year-old African-American woman. Seconds before Jenny was
hung "several hundreds of the colored people" turned their backs to the
gallows, squatted on the ground, "covered their faces with their hands,
and uttered a simultaneous groan, which while it expressed their
feelings, added not a little to the horror of the scene." In this case,
the sounds created by slaves induced in white onlookers feelings of
cultural dissonance.

It is incidents such as this, and it's easy enough to come up with
hundreds of them from the time of slavery, that prompt me to register an
equivocal dissent from the recent emphasis that historians have given to
slaves' work. Phil Morgan in Slave Counterpoint and Ira Berlin in Many
Thousands Gone are both far too subtle and sophisticated to slide into a
crop or work determinism, but since 1989, when Berlin and Morgan
organised an important conference on Slavery and Cultivation, there has
been some danger of this happening in less skilled hands.

Yes, work was important in slave lives. Yes, they probably spent more
time doing it than anything else. But they also probably spent nearly as
much time sleeping, and I haven't seen too many histories of slave and
sleep (tho' I'd love to read one, it'd have to be more interesting than
reading another account of slavery and rice production). Many academics'
sense of their selves is very closely tied up with their work -- just
look at their divorce rate -- but I think a little care is needed before
that experience is, consciously or not, generalized to other places and
other times. As well, too heavy an emphasis on "work" all too easily
promotes a slippage into seeing things from the slaveowners perspective:
it is as if the aggrieved voices of whites whinging and moaning about
slaves acquire, almost by dint of repetition, an undeserved legitimacy.

What I personally find rather more revealing in the history of slavery
are those times of cultural dissonance, moments when black or white just
looked at the doings of the other group and shook their heads.
Reading/writing from Australia I have inevitably been strongly
influenced by historical ethnography and the so-called "Melbourne
School" (basically Greg Dening, Inga Clendinnen, Donna Merwick and Rhys
Isaac), but, regardless, I'd suggest that getting to the point where we
can understand that "simultaneous groan" as the sheriff dropped Jenny
off the scaffold would reveal more about slave life than any number of
studies of tobacco/wheat/whatever they grew cultivation in Somerset
County, Maryland.

I agree with Professor Berlin that there has been a flurry of
interesting work done on slavery of late. Much more is also on the verge
of coming out and I'm hopeful that these publications may reveal more
about the cultural life of slaves, an area in which I'm not sure
knowledge has advanced that much since Lawrence Levine published his
monumental Black Culture and Black Consciousness or perhaps Charles
Joyner brought out Down by the Riverside.

To my mind, one of the principal virtues of Many Thousands Gone -- (and
it has many, it is a great book) -- is the way it helps show that slave
culture did not travel in conveniently straight lines, that African
elements were not necessarily more important in slave culture in the
seventeenth or eighteenth century than the nineteenth. Contingency,
chance, the presence of a charismatic individual, all these and more
helped shape the contours of slave culture in different places at
different times. The more I read of the primary material about slavery
the more I am impressed by the messy variety of slave experiences and
the less satisfying I find some of the overarching explanations for
aspects of slavery. It is a tossup which group of people raise my
sceptical eyebrow higher, those who argue that southern planters engaged
in a deliberate cultural genocide eradicating "African" practices
(personally I doubt they could have organized a Sunday School picnic) or
those who find the root of all slave culture in some particular place or
other in Africa. The genius of the slaves was their ability to take what
they found around them, combine it with memories of Africa, and create a
vibrant and dynamic culture, one that is properly and accurately
designated as "African American." Calling it anything else slights,
indeed once more erases, the considerable achievement of the slaves.

In the end, it is perhaps because I am an outsider, writing at a
considerable distance from America, teaching Australians not yankees
about slavery, that I am less concerned with tying slavery up into a
number of neat generalizations or moral lessons. I am much more
interested in the quotidian details of the stories of ordinary African
Americans grappling to exist under extremely unpromising conditions, the
gritty textures of black life on a rice plantation or on the street in
New York. Irony, ambivalence, ambiguity and complexity rather than
certainty are the sort of words I use. In short, along with Mies van der
Rohe I believe that god is in the detail, and whatever messiness results
from looking that closely is of little concern.

Let me end my probably overlong and pompous credo with another example,
not from slavery but from New York in 1834, seven years after the end of
slavery in the state. In late December a black man named John Johnson,
probably an ex-slave, climbed to the roof of the five storey Union
Building and, until arrested, proceeded to shovel the fresh snow onto
the heads of anyone passing by on the street below. According to the New
York Sun, Johnson had been "amusing himself," but he had also taken
"particular pains" to throw off a full shovel load whenever a sleigh
went by. I would have liked to have met John Johnson.

cheers shane

Shane White
History Department
University of Sydney
NSW 2006
Australia
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 17 Oct 1999 08:37:22 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
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On Fri, 15 Oct 1999 22:07:19 -0500, you wrote:
>        i want to suggest that the term captivity, rather than slavery,
>best defines the status of African peoples kidnapped from their homeland.

What then to describe the second, third and following generations of slaves?

At some point in time the homeland of the African-Americans became the United
States.
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 17 Oct 1999 09:12:37 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII

        i want to suggest that the term captivity, rather than slavery,
>best defines the status of African peoples kidnapped from their homeland.

What then to describe the second, third and following generations of
slaves?

At some point in time the homeland of the African-Americans became the
United
States.

        the second, third, and following generation were - are? - the
descendents of captives.  certainly, that is one
definition.  in general; however, i would want the defintion of those
groups to come from those groups.  i think that *defining* is essential to
naming and *naming* essential to self-determination.

        and, although i was initially a bit annoyed - i read the language
in which the exercise was couched as *flippant* let us say - i want to say
that i think this is a valuable exercise:  looking for the *best* answer
neccesarily - i think - supposes a *best* answerer(s).  :)




Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
A Poetics of Black Women's              that we be seen as whole people
 Literature, 1773-Present               in our actual complexities - as
The University of Texas at Dallas       individuals, as women, as human -
School of Arts and Humanities           rather than as one of those
972 883 2019     Jo 4.118               problematic but familiar
nia@utdallas.edu                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Sun, 17 Oct 1999 19:34:33 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Michael Furlan 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  
MIME-Version: 1.0
Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii
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On Sun, 17 Oct 1999 09:12:37 -0500, you wrote:

>        and, although i was initially a bit annoyed - i read the language
>in which the exercise was couched as *flippant* let us say

Change "best" to personal favorite then.
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 18 Oct 1999 06:47:20 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <5FwKOK5EupYCHKxw2xnbSCVgNAzK@4ax.com>
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>        and, although i was initially a bit annoyed - i read the language
>in which the exercise was couched as *flippant* let us say

Change "best" to personal favorite then.

        i no longer have the context in which this appeared.  someone
help?
        are we speaking about the title?  sorry.  it's been a long night
spent grading papers.



Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
A Poetics of Black Women's              that we be seen as whole people
 Literature, 1773-Present               in our actual complexities - as
The University of Texas at Dallas       individuals, as women, as human -
School of Arts and Humanities           rather than as one of those
972 883 2019     Jo 4.118               problematic but familiar
nia@utdallas.edu                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 18 Oct 1999 08:35:03 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         Paddy Swiney 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
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I would like to remind everybody, in the interests of clarity, that the
eighteenth century definition of "peculiar" is not ours--"peculiar" meant "
particular" rather than strange.  Unfortunately,  slavery was not
considered "strange" to the eighteenth or nineteenth century.  pds
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Date:         Mon, 18 Oct 1999 14:43:50 -0500
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
From:         c 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <8625680E.004A4495.00@notes.tulsa.cc.ok.us>
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I would like to remind everybody, in the interests of clarity, that the
eighteenth century definition of "peculiar" is not ours--"peculiar" meant
"
particular" rather than strange.  Unfortunately,  slavery was not
considered "strange" to the eighteenth or nineteenth century.  pds


        thanks for the clarification.  when i use peculiar, i am using the
term to point to the *particular* not necessarily the *strange*.
peculiarility is a sort of sign post, i think, and i may be rambling here,
but in general, i don't think of peculiar (in the immediate sense) as
being strange, rather distinctive.



Mary Loving Blanchard                   "To examine Black women's
Doctoral Candidate                      literature effectively requires
A Poetics of Black Women's              that we be seen as whole people
 Literature, 1773-Present               in our actual complexities - as
The University of Texas at Dallas       individuals, as women, as human -
School of Arts and Humanities           rather than as one of those
972 883 2019     Jo 4.118               problematic but familiar
nia@utdallas.edu                        stereotypes provided in this
                                        society in place of genuine images
                                        of Black women." - Audre Lorde,
                                        "Age, Race, Class and Sex"
=========================================================================
Date:         Mon, 18 Oct 1999 17:57:30 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Sender:       FORUM ON SLAVERY 
Comments:     SoVerNet Verification (on garnet.sover.net) svjcbiti from
              arc1a59.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.187] 207.136.201.187 Mon, 18
              Oct 1999 17:50:54 -0400 (EDT)
From:         Stephen Homick 
Subject:      Re: Query-Best Definition of Slavery in One Sentence
In-Reply-To:  <8625680E.004A4495.00@notes.tulsa.cc.ok.us>
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El 18 Oct 99, a las 8:35, Paddy Swiney  scripsit:

> I would like to remind everybody, in the interests of clarity, that the
> eighteenth century definition of "peculiar" is not ours--"peculiar" meant "
> particular" rather than strange.  Unfortunately,  slavery was not
> considered "strange" to the eighteenth or nineteenth century.  pds

Well, of course; and that's how Patterson understands the word.
What interests me isn't so much the semantics and etymology of the
the name "peculiar institution," though they surely are intriguing
by themselves, but rather the constellation of circumstances--
social, legal, ecological and political--that gave rise to it:
That is, what made slavery in His Britannic Majesty's North
American colonies and subsequently the United States so
_peculiarly_ Anglo-American?

Homick
Champlain College

"The ultimate effect of shielding men from the effects of folly
is to fill the world with fools."
- --Herbert Spencer, 1844

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Date:         Mon, 18 Oct 1999 23:29:50 -0400
Reply-To:     FORUM ON SLAVERY 
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From:         EUGENE BENNETT 
Subject:      Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese
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I woullde like your opinion of how the slavery under the Spanish and =
Portuguese in the Americas was different from the British .  This topic =
is rarely covered when there is a discussion of this "peculiar" =
institution.


Catherine Scott
Spanish Teacher
New York City =20

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I woullde like your opinion of how the = slavery=20 under the Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas was different from the = British=20 .  This topic is rarely covered when there is a discussion of this=20 "peculiar" institution.
 
 
Catherine Scott
Spanish Teacher
New York City =  
------=_NextPart_000_000F_01BF19C0.AC4B6260-- ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 19 Oct 1999 10:06:40 +0200 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Loni Bramson-Lerche Subject: Re: SLAVERYFORUM Digest - 17 Oct 1999 to 18 Oct 1999 (#1999-16) In-Reply-To: <199910190352.FAA10653@ping3.ping.be> Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" At 12:00 AM 19-10-99 -0400, you wrote: hteenth century definition of "peculiar" is not ours--"peculiar" meant >" >particular" rather than strange. Unfortunately, slavery was not >considered "strange" to the eighteenth or nineteenth century. pds Nor before the eighteenth century, nor in the twentieth century. Sorry to butt in with this perspective, but I have been feeling uncomfortable while lurking at what **seems** (I also joined late) to be a perspective of not placing pre-Civil War American slavery in the context of global history. Also, having lived in Nigeria and being active in anti-prostitution work, I know that slavery (whatever definition you want) still exists. There are still "slave trails." This time, however, they *generally* lead to certain Islamic countries. Please note, I fully understand that the discussion has a particular focus and I certainly do not want to derail it. My problem is that I would like to see at least some recognition of "the big picture." Loni Bramson ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 19 Oct 1999 15:12:31 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Stephen Homick Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Content-Type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 On Mon, 18 Oct 1999 23:29:50 -0400, EUGENE BENNETT wrote: >I woullde like your opinion of how the slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas was different from the British . This topic is rarely covered when there is a discussion of this "peculiar" institution. > > >Catherine Scott >Spanish Teacher >New York City > In the interest of brevity, I'll give a sole yet significant example of the difference. In His Catholic Majesty's Western Indies, slave marriages were legally recognized, whereas they weren't in His Britannic Majesty's North American Plantations and under the slave regime of the United States that succeeded them. Needless to say, that recognition accorded slaves in Spanish America a legitimate civil identity that their coevals in British America were denied. Put another way, property rights seem to have ceded pride of place to family values in the Hispanic world. Here's a snippet of the pertinent legislation, in this case from the 1826 slave code of Puerto Rico: Cap=EDtulo IX: Del matrimonio de los esclavos y de lo que debe practicarse cuando los consortes sean de distintos due=F1os. Art=EDculo 1=B0: Los due=F1os de los esclavos deber=E1n evitar los tratos o = accesos il=EDcitos de los sexos, fomentando los matrimonios, sin impedir el que se casen con los de otros due=F1os, proporcionando en este caso a los casados l= a reuni=F3n en una case y bajo un mismo techo. Art=EDculo 2=B0: Para conseguir esta reuni=F3n, y que los c=F3nyuges cumplan= el fin de matrimonio, seguir=E1 la mujer al marido, compr=E1ndola e due=F1o de =E9s= te, segun se conviniere, y si no, a justa tasaci=F3n de peritos nombrados por la= s partes, y por el tercero que, en caso de discordia, nombrar=E1 la justicia; = y si el amo del marido no se conviene en la compra, tendr=E1 la misma acci=F3n= el que los fuere de la mujer. Art=EDculo 3=B0: Si el amo del marido comprare la mujer y =E9sta tuviese hij= os que no hayan cumplido los tres a=F1os, deber=E1 comprarlos tambi=E9n, porque= seg=FAn derecho durante este tiempo deben las madres criarlos. These laws developed from local custom and usage, and were first codified in 1768, then subsequently in 1769, 1784 and 1789. The Puerto Rican slave code of 1826 represents the culmination of this process. Even a superficial scan of it will suffice to reveal some of the more palpable differences between the Iberian and Anglo-Saxon variants of slavery, American style. Homick Champlain College ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 20 Oct 1999 22:43:49 -0400 Reply-To: "J. Douglas Deal" Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "J. Douglas Deal" Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Stephen Homick presents a contrast that might need some modification on both sides. When examining slavery and families in Latin America, one always has to ask whether laws did in fact reflect ordinary or customary practices. In the Anglo-American case, the absence of legal protections for slave marriages and families did leave the door open to horrendous abuses, but in varied contexts slaves nevertheless did form conjugal unions, have children, and enjoy a "family life" of sorts. To see what marriage and family had come to mean to slaves in the American South, one need only explore the behavior and leading concerns of those who freed themselves or were otherwise emancipated during the war years. Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered what we might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. Of course, the national or ethnic differences among them mattered, but the complex and "messy" realities of the slave experience that Shane White reminds us of were shaped by countless other contingencies and conditions as well. Can Professor Homick recommend to the list any exciting new investigations of slavery by Latin American historians--in particular, works that move beyond old questions and stereotypes and onto the new terrain that Shane White, Philip Morgan, Kathleen Brown, Michael Gomez, Ira Berlin, and many others are beginning to map out for Anglo-America? Douglas Deal Professor of History and Director of General Education State University of New York at Oswego Oswego, NY 13126 deal@oswego.edu (e-mail) (315)-341-5631 (voice mail) (315)-341-3577 (FAX) On Tue, 19 Oct 1999, Stephen Homick wrote: > In the interest of brevity, I'll give a sole yet significant example of the > difference. In His Catholic Majesty's Western Indies, slave marriages were > legally recognized, whereas they weren't in His Britannic Majesty's North > American Plantations and under the slave regime of the United States that > succeeded them. Needless to say, that recognition accorded slaves in > Spanish America a legitimate civil identity that their coevals in British > America were denied. Put another way, property rights seem to have ceded > pride of place to family values in the Hispanic world. > > These laws developed from local custom and usage, and were first codified > in 1768, then subsequently in 1769, 1784 and 1789. The Puerto Rican slave > code of 1826 represents the culmination of this process. Even a > superficial scan of it will suffice to reveal some of the more palpable > differences between the Iberian and Anglo-Saxon variants of slavery, > American style. > ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 20 Oct 1999 22:26:04 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Comments: To: "J. Douglas Deal" In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered what we might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. i am perturbed by the notion that *we* seem to have a need to demonstrate that one form of slavery was better than another. we seem to be caught up in the notion that we must defend ourselves (that is, defend our collective past history of slaveownership) by noting that one group of slaveowners *permitted marriage* while another group - more bloodthirsty, i imagine we are to suppose them as being - did not. let me suggest that slavery was an immoral act. let me suggest further that those who held africans against their will participated in an immoral act to no benefit of the enslaved (captive) africans. i agree with deal's assessment (above) that the americas *violated* and *fostered* values in their own peculiar ways. and i am thankful for those of *us* who understand and communicate that there can be no middle ground on the issue. slavery was bad. and i am curious why we have to keep taking these measurements: good slaveowner; bad slaveowner. what / who are we trying to salvage in these type assessments? can we not agree that slavery - in its entirety - was immoral; slavery, in its entirety, was not benign; slavery, in its entirety, was a particularly horrific act for which there was and is no moral excuse. i want to suggest that those of *us* who want to view slavery as delineated along the lines of good slaveowner, bad slaveowner, put yourself in the shoes of one of my ancestors. would being *permitted* to marry have made you feel better about having been kidnapped from your homeland? suppose you were *permitted* to learn to read as recompense for being so kidnapped? would you feel better? maybe only one of your three daughters would be sold and you got to see the other two grow up as slaves with you. feel better? maybe your grandfather, or your father, or an uncle was only mutilated and not killed when they tried to escape. does that do it for you? what exactly would it take for you to consider yourself *lucky* to be a slave? i grow weary of these types of arguments. come now, let's say it all together: slavery was an immoral act for which there was / is no justification. period. now, can we move on to the new landscape where we examine slavery from the perspective of the captive rather than from the perspective of the captor? Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of Black Women's that we be seen as whole people Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities - as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 08:17:07 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Randee Goodstadt Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable I appreciated Mary Blanchard Loving's heartfelt comments about the = specific miseries of enslavement. However, it has been my very strong = impression that no one participating in this whole discussion thinks that = slavery was anything but immoral. =20 Are you suggesting that we would be better off to simply teach our = students that slavery is immoral and say nothing more about it? Don't we = have a right and a need to know the specifics? I for one am curious about = how slavery actually operated, just as I am curious about how Nazi = genocide operated as well. Which is, I wish I didn't feel compelled to = say, not to say that I find either morally acceptable. =20 I am personally uncomfortable with attempts to prevent discussion of = certain aspects of history. My students want to know about such issues, = and I want to be reasonably informed in order to give them solid answers. = I resent attempts at thought control and don't practice it in my classroom.= =20 And I deeply resent and reject attempts to paint anyone who disagrees with = a person of color as a racist. My personal credentials are pretty solid, = let's not even go there. =20 Regards, Randee Randee Brenner Goodstadt Asheville-Buncombe Technical Community College Asheville, NC 828-254-1921 ex. 296 rgoodstadt@asheville.cc.ns.us >>> c 10/20/99 11:26PM >>> Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered = what we might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. i am perturbed by the notion that *we* seem to have a need to demonstrate that one form of slavery was better than another. we seem to be caught up in the notion that we must defend ourselves (that is, defend our collective past history of slaveownership) by noting that one group of slaveowners *permitted marriage* while another group - more bloodthirsty, i imagine we are to suppose them as being - did not. let me suggest that slavery was an immoral act. let me suggest further that those who held africans against their will participated in an immoral act to no benefit of the enslaved (captive) africans. i agree with deal's assessment (above) that the americas *violated* and *fostered* values in their own peculiar ways. and i am thankful for those of *us* who understand and communicate that there can be no middle ground on the issue. slavery was bad. and i am curious why we have to keep taking these measurements: good slaveowner; bad slaveowner. what / who are we trying to salvage in these type assessments? can we not agree that slavery - in its entirety - was immoral; slavery, in its entirety, was not benign; slavery, in its entirety, was a particularly horrific act for which there was and is no moral excuse. i want to suggest that those of *us* who want to view slavery as delineated along the lines of good slaveowner, bad slaveowner, put yourself in the shoes of one of my ancestors. would being *permitted* to marry have made you feel better about having been kidnapped from your homeland? suppose you were *permitted* to learn to read as recompense for being so kidnapped? would you feel better? maybe only one of your three daughters would be sold and you got to see the other two grow up as slaves with you. feel better? maybe your grandfather, or your father, or an uncle was only mutilated and not killed when they tried to escape. does that do it for you? what exactly would it take for you to consider yourself *lucky* to be a slave? i grow weary of these types of arguments. come now, let's say it all together: slavery was an immoral act for which there was / is no justification. period. now, can we move on to the new landscape where we examine slavery from the perspective of the captive rather than from the perspective of the captor? Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of Black Women's that we be seen as whole people Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities - as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 09:14:26 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Stephen Whitman Subject: Re: Slave vs. Slaveowner Perspective on Slavery In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Let me begin by applauding Ms. Blanchard's call for studying slavery from the perspective of those enslaved. That having been said, one of the most prominent objects on the slave's "landscape" was certainly the master, and slaves found it well worth their while to make judgments about masters' propensity to violence, tolerance for slave marriages, and so on. Slave narratives, for example, show that African Americans paid close attention to slaveholders' financial wellbeing: a master whose fortunes were declining might be a master who was about to sell a slave. In some societies, slaves could hope to wring from masters the concession of being allowed to choose another master, as an alternative to sale by auction. What this could mean in practice was receiving a pass from a master to go to say, Baltimore or Richmond, to find someone willing to buy or hire you out. Like most of the concessions from masters to slaves, this one more or less compelled the slave to acknowledge outwardly the legitimacy of slavery (by participating in bringing about his or her sale). Likewise, this concession was advantageous to the master, by reducing the transaction costs of finding a buyer (time, advertising, auctioneer's fees) and shifting the burden to the slave. Notwithstanding all this, many African Americans preferred "choosing" a new master to being sold at auction, because it allowed them to make small distinctions, to seek or consolidate small gains in personal autonomy, family unity, or safety from violence. None of this means that enslaved people inwardly accepted slavery as legitimate, or moral. But it still mattered to them to make choices within a hideous and immoral system. Finally, to return to the original comparative question about Spanish/Portuguese slavery vs. N. American slavery, perhaps we should be asking whether slaves ever thought or acted in terms of moving/fleeing from one slave society to another, knowing that they might remain in slavery in their new location, as distinct from fleeing from slavery to freedom. Can anyone on this list think of instances of such actions? Steve Whitman, Mt. St. Mary's College ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 11:19:47 EDT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "Angela Y. Walton-Raji" Subject: Re: Slave vs. Slaveowner Perspective on Slavery MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit It is often assumed that black chattel slavery practiced by Native Americans was somehow a kinder gentler form of slavery. However, the actions of the Cherokee slaves in 1842, prove that such was not the case. In that year, the slaves of Cherokee Joseph "Rich Joe" Vann attempted a slave rebellion. Several hundred slaves seized horses, and weapons in an effort to attempt to flee to freedom. For several days they had some lead time, but after replacement horses and arms were delivered to the Vanns from Ft. Smith who went in hot pursuit. The slaves were eventually apprehended after several days, having engaged in a battle for several days. When ammunition ran out as well as provisions they were returned to enslavement. The leaders were executed and their bodies displayed to further remind the remaining slaves the results of fleeing from bondage. Constitutionally, more rigid slave codes were passed, restricting the movements of slaves betweeen plantations. On the other hand by the time of the late 1850's in the Creek Nation, there were still evidences of relaxed standards among the slave owners there, where slaves had small amounts of personal property and former slaves were able to make claims after the War for property lost during the rebellion. -Angela Y. Walton-Raji- In a message dated 10/21/99 6:13:23 AM Pacific Daylight Time, whitman@MSMARY.EDU writes: << Finally, to return to the original comparative question about Spanish/Portuguese slavery vs. N. American slavery, perhaps we should be asking whether slaves ever thought or acted in terms of moving/fleeing from one slave society to another, knowing that they might remain in slavery in their new location, as distinct from fleeing from slavery to freedom. >> ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 12:05:48 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Ellen Noonan Subject: online teaching resources Mime-version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset="US-ASCII" Content-transfer-encoding: 7bit I'm a graduate student in U.S. history and I haven't had the chance to do much teaching yet. I'd like to ask folks on the list if they have been able to use the "Africans in America" documentary from PBS and the companion website (http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/) with students. I have mixed feelings about the documentary but I love the website and the primary documents it makes available. Has anyone used the video or the website, or even both together? How do students handle the primary documents? Ellen Noonan ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 13:03:21 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Lawrence Hartzell Subject: Re: online teaching resources MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Ellen-- I use the part of the first episode about Anthony Johnson's experiences in 17th-century Virginia to great effect. Students love it--it doesn't fit in at all with their image of that period of colonial Virginia history. Larry Hartzell Dept. of History Brookdale Comm. Coll. Lincroft, NJ ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 13:59:19 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Nemata Blyden Organization: University of Texas at Dallas Subject: Re: online teaching resources MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/mixed; boundary="------------57B468617139A22E17EBB273" This is a multi-part message in MIME format. --------------57B468617139A22E17EBB273 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit I showed episodes 3 & 4 for the first time in my class this semester. The students loved it. Even though there are parts of it that I am not crazy about, I have found that the students like the visual aspect of films such as these. When the series was first shown on PBS, I was teaching a class on Early African American history, and I offered bonus points to students who watched the series and did a write up. Those who did expressed the view that it helped them understand the course and the readings we had done much better. --------------57B468617139A22E17EBB273 Content-Type: text/x-vcard; charset=us-ascii; name="vcard.vcf" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Content-Description: Card for Nemata Blyden Content-Disposition: attachment; filename="vcard.vcf" begin: vcard fn: Nemata Blyden n: Blyden;Nemata org: University of Texas - Dallas adr;dom: Dept. of Arts & Humanities;;Box 830688 Mail Stat. JO 3.1;Richardson;Texas;75083-0688; email;internet: nblyden@utdallas.edu title: Assistant Professor tel;fax: 972 8832989 x-mozilla-cpt: ;0 x-mozilla-html: FALSE version: 2.1 end: vcard --------------57B468617139A22E17EBB273-- ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 16:28:59 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII it was not my intent either to suggest thought control or to suggest that anyone to whom i posted my response was racist. i ask that you reread my post and remove your emotions from that reading. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" On Thu, 21 Oct 1999, Randee Goodstadt wrote: > I appreciated Mary Blanchard Loving's heartfelt comments about the specific miseries of enslavement. However, it has been my very strong impression that no one participating in this whole discussion thinks that slavery was anything but immoral. > > Are you suggesting that we would be better off to simply teach our students that slavery is immoral and say nothing more about it? Don't we have a right and a need to know the specifics? I for one am curious about how slavery actually operated, just as I am curious about how Nazi genocide operated as well. Which is, I wish I didn't feel compelled to say, not to say that I find either morally acceptable. > > I am personally uncomfortable with attempts to prevent discussion of certain aspects of history. My students want to know about such issues, and I want to be reasonably informed in order to give them solid answers. I resent attempts at thought control and don't practice it in my classroom. > > And I deeply resent and reject attempts to paint anyone who disagrees with a person of color as a racist. My personal credentials are pretty solid, let's not even go there. > > > > Regards, > Randee > > Randee Brenner Goodstadt > Asheville-Buncombe Technical Community College > Asheville, NC > 828-254-1921 ex. 296 > rgoodstadt@asheville.cc.ns.us > > >>> c 10/20/99 11:26PM >>> > Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered what we > might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. > > i am perturbed by the notion that *we* seem to have a need to demonstrate > that one form of slavery was better than another. we seem to be caught up > in the notion that we must defend ourselves (that is, defend our > collective past history of slaveownership) by noting that one group of > slaveowners *permitted marriage* while another group - more bloodthirsty, > i imagine we are to suppose them as being - did not. let me suggest that > slavery was an immoral act. let me suggest further that those who held > africans against their will participated in an immoral act to no benefit > of the enslaved (captive) africans. > > i agree with deal's assessment (above) that the americas *violated* and > *fostered* values in their own peculiar ways. and i am thankful for those > of *us* who understand and communicate that there can be no middle ground > on the issue. slavery was bad. > > and i am curious why we have to keep taking these measurements: good > slaveowner; bad slaveowner. what / who are we trying to salvage in these > type assessments? can we not agree that slavery - in its > entirety - was immoral; slavery, in its entirety, was not benign; slavery, > in its entirety, was a particularly horrific act for which there was and > is no moral excuse. > > i want to suggest that those of *us* who want to view slavery as > delineated along the lines of good slaveowner, bad slaveowner, put > yourself in the shoes of one of my ancestors. would being *permitted* to > marry have made you feel better about having been kidnapped from your > homeland? suppose you were *permitted* to learn to read as recompense for > being so kidnapped? would you feel better? maybe only one of your three > daughters would be sold and you got to see the other two grow up as slaves > with you. feel better? maybe your grandfather, or your father, or an > uncle was only mutilated and not killed when they tried to escape. does > that do it for you? what exactly > would it take for you to consider yourself *lucky* to be a slave? > > i grow weary of these types of arguments. come now, let's say it all > together: slavery was an immoral act for which there was / is no > justification. period. > > now, can we move on to the new landscape where we examine slavery from the > perspective of the captive rather than from the perspective of the captor? > > > Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's > Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires > A Poetics of Black Women's that we be seen as whole people > Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities - as > The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - > School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those > 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar > nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this > society in place of genuine images > of Black women." - Audre Lorde, > "Age, Race, Class and Sex" > ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 16:50:34 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII i have responded to the message that follows below in a personal post; however, i realize that to respond at that level may be construed as coming out of my need to *keep secret* my own thinking. i don't want to be so construed, therefore, i am posting my response here so that the list might review it. i have no objection to be *criticized* or *corrected* but i must say i will defend my right to speak from the perspective i own. i can speak from no other. the post of which i spoke follows: i would like to respond personally to your post and will do so. it concerns me that you see my attempt to *defend* the position i hold as paramount to calling you a racist. where is that coming from? in suggesting that my defense of my position is an attack on you are you doing anything less than that of which you accuse me? put another way: why is it *okay* for you to go there and not okay for me to go there? i do not *think* that anyone willing to discuss the issue of slavery without namecalling is racist. when name calling happens - or the accusation of name calling as in this instance, i become suspect. what is vested in me not being able to speak my perspective - that is, what is vested in me not being able to speak of my experience as the descendent of slaves? why is the information being touted as *valuable* only that information that the *master* would approve. i think this is more along the lines of thought control and i, sir, vehemently resent it. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" On Thu, 21 Oct 1999, Randee Goodstadt wrote: > I appreciated Mary Blanchard Loving's heartfelt comments about the specific miseries of enslavement. However, it has been my very strong impression that no one participating in this whole discussion thinks that slavery was anything but immoral. > > Are you suggesting that we would be better off to simply teach our students that slavery is immoral and say nothing more about it? Don't we have a right and a need to know the specifics? I for one am curious about how slavery actually operated, just as I am curious about how Nazi genocide operated as well. Which is, I wish I didn't feel compelled to say, not to say that I find either morally acceptable. > > I am personally uncomfortable with attempts to prevent discussion of certain aspects of history. My students want to know about such issues, and I want to be reasonably informed in order to give them solid answers. I resent attempts at thought control and don't practice it in my classroom. > > And I deeply resent and reject attempts to paint anyone who disagrees with a person of color as a racist. My personal credentials are pretty solid, let's not even go there. > > > > Regards, > Randee > > Randee Brenner Goodstadt > Asheville-Buncombe Technical Community College > Asheville, NC > 828-254-1921 ex. 296 > rgoodstadt@asheville.cc.ns.us > > >>> c 10/20/99 11:26PM >>> > Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered what we > might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. > > i am perturbed by the notion that *we* seem to have a need to demonstrate > that one form of slavery was better than another. we seem to be caught up > in the notion that we must defend ourselves (that is, defend our > collective past history of slaveownership) by noting that one group of > slaveowners *permitted marriage* while another group - more bloodthirsty, > i imagine we are to suppose them as being - did not. let me suggest that > slavery was an immoral act. let me suggest further that those who held > africans against their will participated in an immoral act to no benefit > of the enslaved (captive) africans. > > i agree with deal's assessment (above) that the americas *violated* and > *fostered* values in their own peculiar ways. and i am thankful for those > of *us* who understand and communicate that there can be no middle ground > on the issue. slavery was bad. > > and i am curious why we have to keep taking these measurements: good > slaveowner; bad slaveowner. what / who are we trying to salvage in these > type assessments? can we not agree that slavery - in its > entirety - was immoral; slavery, in its entirety, was not benign; slavery, > in its entirety, was a particularly horrific act for which there was and > is no moral excuse. > > i want to suggest that those of *us* who want to view slavery as > delineated along the lines of good slaveowner, bad slaveowner, put > yourself in the shoes of one of my ancestors. would being *permitted* to > marry have made you feel better about having been kidnapped from your > homeland? suppose you were *permitted* to learn to read as recompense for > being so kidnapped? would you feel better? maybe only one of your three > daughters would be sold and you got to see the other two grow up as slaves > with you. feel better? maybe your grandfather, or your father, or an > uncle was only mutilated and not killed when they tried to escape. does > that do it for you? what exactly > would it take for you to consider yourself *lucky* to be a slave? > > i grow weary of these types of arguments. come now, let's say it all > together: slavery was an immoral act for which there was / is no > justification. period. > > now, can we move on to the new landscape where we examine slavery from the > perspective of the captive rather than from the perspective of the captor? > > > Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's > Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires > A Poetics of Black Women's that we be seen as whole people > Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities - as > The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - > School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those > 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar > nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this > society in place of genuine images > of Black women." - Audre Lorde, > "Age, Race, Class and Sex" > ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 22:19:51 EDT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Roberta Koza Subject: Re: online teaching resources MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Hi Ellen- One of my teachers was doing a lesson on Bacon's rebellion and the beginning of institutionalized racism. We went to that site for slave code documents. It took some doing, but students were able to work it out. The NARA document analysis sheet proved too wordy. We simplified it. It is a great site! Roberta ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 21 Oct 1999 23:02:21 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: farran Subject: Re: online teaching resources MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Roberta - Saw your posting. What's the great site? Elaine Roberta Koza wrote: > Hi Ellen- > One of my teachers was doing a lesson on Bacon's rebellion and the beginning > of institutionalized racism. We went to that site for slave code documents. > It took some doing, but students were able to work it out. The NARA document > analysis sheet proved too wordy. We simplified it. It is a great site! > Roberta ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 05:49:37 GMT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: bakari stamps Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed man, i'm only a baby in the whole scheme of life and african-american history. being a young black male snatched up from the projects and sent to private school to listen to similar arguements of which is the worse or better of two evils 'good slaveowners' vs. 'bad slaveowners',etc. i'm glad i'm not the only one bothered by this trivial stance. i am not interested in whether one oppressor was nicer than the other. the bottom line is that my ancestors were oppressed as were millions of other peoples. this is common knowledge. i think ms. blanchard is right, can we get on to examining the issue from the other side of the coin? i think it would make for a better understanding of what was the real deal concerning relations of slaveowner vs. slave, and slavery in general. you know, we might even help the youth coming up after me to understand and realize that just being angry about the past will not change the future american state. we need to know where to direct our energies. thank God for Hip-Hop music! you can't keep shut what was meant to be open, truth and reality. the knowledge and 'whole truth' of america's past is what i think will help make life truly better for us, all of us. think about it, when the truth smacks you in the face, you can't do anything but say, "ouch!" and learn to deal with it. meaning don't make the same mistake/bad decision twice. this is what we the youth of america need to learn from the past. as of yet it hasn't sunk into all the minds of america. also, getting to the point w/out all the flowery speech makes for more interesting reading. our world is moving at such a fast pace that while we deliberate on trivial matters, bigger issues are creeping up on us, like life and longevity. i don't mean to ramble but i've waited for years to learn the truth about my, our past, i don't want to wait any longer. can we get down with the real? >From: c >Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY >To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU >Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese >Date: Wed, 20 Oct 1999 22:26:04 -0500 > > Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered >what we > might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. > >i am perturbed by the notion that *we* seem to have a need to demonstrate >that one form of slavery was better than another. we seem to be caught up >in the notion that we must defend ourselves (that is, defend our >collective past history of slaveownership) by noting that one group of >slaveowners *permitted marriage* while another group - more bloodthirsty, >i imagine we are to suppose them as being - did not. let me suggest that >slavery was an immoral act. let me suggest further that those who held >africans against their will participated in an immoral act to no benefit >of the enslaved (captive) africans. > >i agree with deal's assessment (above) that the americas *violated* and >*fostered* values in their own peculiar ways. and i am thankful for those >of *us* who understand and communicate that there can be no middle ground >on the issue. slavery was bad. > >and i am curious why we have to keep taking these measurements: good >slaveowner; bad slaveowner. what / who are we trying to salvage in these >type assessments? can we not agree that slavery - in its >entirety - was immoral; slavery, in its entirety, was not benign; slavery, >in its entirety, was a particularly horrific act for which there was and >is no moral excuse. > >i want to suggest that those of *us* who want to view slavery as >delineated along the lines of good slaveowner, bad slaveowner, put >yourself in the shoes of one of my ancestors. would being *permitted* to >marry have made you feel better about having been kidnapped from your >homeland? suppose you were *permitted* to learn to read as recompense for >being so kidnapped? would you feel better? maybe only one of your three >daughters would be sold and you got to see the other two grow up as slaves >with you. feel better? maybe your grandfather, or your father, or an >uncle was only mutilated and not killed when they tried to escape. does >that do it for you? what exactly >would it take for you to consider yourself *lucky* to be a slave? > >i grow weary of these types of arguments. come now, let's say it all >together: slavery was an immoral act for which there was / is no >justification. period. > >now, can we move on to the new landscape where we examine slavery from the >perspective of the captive rather than from the perspective of the captor? > > >Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's >Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires >A Poetics of Black Women's that we be seen as whole people > Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities - as >The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - >School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those >972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar >nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this > society in place of genuine images > of Black women." - Audre Lorde, > "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ______________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 07:00:49 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: <19991022054938.47814.qmail@hotmail.com> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII man, i'm only a baby in the whole scheme of life and african-american history. the future belongs to you, little brother. take it. teach the rest of us what it means to strive for the real. we may finally be ready to hear you. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 07:06:29 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: online teaching resources In-Reply-To: <380FD3BD.5520D415@optonline.net> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII One of my teachers was doing a lesson on Bacon's rebellion and the beginning > of institutionalized racism. We went to that site for slave code documents. > It took some doing, but students were able to work it out. The NARA document > analysis sheet proved too wordy. We simplified it. It is a great site! > Roberta hi, roberta. very interested in this site. please post your response to the list. thanks. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 07:12:07 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: online teaching resources In-Reply-To: <9337f898.254123c7@aol.com> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII sorry, i can not be of much help in providing on-line or video resources for use in teaching. as a rule, i don't use them in my classes. my kids call me a *dinosaur* and i confess to being pretty close to that description. don't get me wrong, i may suggest other sources for my students that they review at their leisure but i tend to be very traditional in my teaching pedagogy - yeah, it's the textbook for me. before someone thinks i am making a value judgement about the use of online / video teaching resources, please know i am not. right now, i only teach composition courses. i do not yet teach in my other area of speciality - african american women's lit . and yes, i would be interested in learning of online resources / video resources / the like. perhaps too we can share information on some of the text that i have come across in my research. peace. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 12:15:42 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: anne yentsch Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: multipart/alternative; boundary="----=_NextPart_000_00F3_01BF1C87.2961C820" This is a multi-part message in MIME format. ------=_NextPart_000_00F3_01BF1C87.2961C820 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable While there was a fairly large scale slave trade in Indian captives in = South Carolina, by and large this aspect of the slave trade was minimal = in the British colonies compared with that which existed in the early = Spanish colonies. =20 I find it informative to discuss this students because many believe that = only Africans were enslaved. It also opens up a forum to discuss Indian = and African interaction as well as "escaping" from slavery. Both the = British and the Spanish used strategies (they may have differed) to keep = Indians from aiding escaping slaves. =20 Florida, however, was a safe haven for African slaves who escaped from = British Colonies from c. 1696 onward. The slaves could claim they were = seeking religious asylum. There is a video and a neat little book on = Fort Mose, a free black settlement outside St. Augustine in the 1730s, = that students enjoy. Its published by the Univ. of Florida Press.=20 Three of the major destinations for the Underground Railroad were in = Florida; the ways in which Africans and, later, African Americans = arrived in the Florida interior and were incorporated into the Native = American communities had consequences (i.e., The Seminole Wars of the = 19th century). The Spanish helped pave the way for this. There is an excellent book by a well known Brazilian author that = discusses at some length the relationship between the slave and free = population in the 19th century. His name escapes me for the moment, but = he was trained in anthropology by Kroeber and later in historical = methods before he returned to his native country. I think it was = Gilberto Freyre and that the book was Order and Progress: Brazil from = Monarchy to Republic by Gilberto Freyre Rod W. Horton (Translator), but = he also wrote a later text entitled "Masters and Slaves." The different ways that various cultures treated slaves and how = individuals of African descent were assimilated is a fascinating topic. You might also want to = look at some books on slavery in the Caribbean. Anne Yentsch Armstrong Atlantic State University ----- Original Message -----=20 From: EUGENE BENNETT=20 To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU=20 Sent: Monday, October 18, 1999 11:29 PM Subject: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese I woullde like your opinion of how the slavery under the Spanish and = Portuguese in the Americas was different from the British . This topic = is rarely covered when there is a discussion of this "peculiar" = institution. =20 Catherine Scott Spanish Teacher New York City =20 ------=_NextPart_000_00F3_01BF1C87.2961C820 Content-Type: text/html; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable
While there was a fairly large scale = slave trade in=20 Indian captives in South Carolina, by and large this aspect of the slave = trade=20 was minimal in the British colonies compared with that which existed in = the=20 early Spanish colonies. 
 
I find it informative to discuss this = students=20 because many believe that only Africans were enslaved.  It also = opens up a=20 forum to discuss Indian and African interaction as well as "escaping" = from=20 slavery.  Both the British and the Spanish used strategies (they = may have=20 differed) to keep Indians from aiding escaping slaves.  =
 
Florida, however, was a safe haven for = African=20 slaves who escaped from British Colonies from c. 1696 onward. The slaves = could=20 claim they were seeking religious asylum.  There is a video and a = neat=20 little book on Fort Mose, a free black settlement outside St. Augustine = in the=20 1730s, that students enjoy.  Its published by the Univ. of Florida = Press.=20
 
Three of the major destinations for the = Underground=20 Railroad were in Florida; the ways in which Africans and, later, African = Americans arrived in the Florida interior and were incorporated into the = Native=20 American communities had consequences (i.e., The Seminole Wars of the = 19th=20 century). The Spanish helped pave the way for this.
 
There is an excellent book by a well = known=20 Brazilian author that discusses at some length the relationship between = the=20 slave and free population in the 19th century.  His name escapes me = for the=20 moment, but he was trained in anthropology by Kroeber and later in = historical=20 methods before he returned to his native country.  I think it was = Gilberto=20 Freyre and that the book was Order=20 and Progress: Brazil from Monarchy to Republic by Gilberto=20 Freyre  Rod=20 W. Horton (Translator), but he also wrote a later text entitled=20 "Masters
 and=20 Slaves."
 
The different=20 ways that various cultures treated slaves and how individuals of=20 African
descent were=20 assimilated is a fascinating topic.  You might also want to=20 look
at = some books on=20 slavery in the Caribbean.
 
Anne=20 Yentsch
Armstrong=20 Atlantic State University
----- Original Message -----
From:=20 EUGENE = BENNETT=20
To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CU= NY.EDU=20
Sent: Monday, October 18, 1999 = 11:29=20 PM
Subject: Slavery under the = Spanish and=20 portuguese

I woullde like your opinion of how = the slavery=20 under the Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas was different from = the=20 British .  This topic is rarely covered when there is a = discussion of=20 this "peculiar" institution.
 
 
Catherine Scott
Spanish Teacher
New York City=20  
------=_NextPart_000_00F3_01BF1C87.2961C820-- ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 12:34:27 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Douglas Deal Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: <00f601bf1ca8$c66a4540$107efea9@AASU> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Perhaps the quickest way to get into this literature is via one of the better syntheses--I would recommend Herbert Klein's _African Slavery in Latin America and the Caribbean__ (NY: Oxford UP, 1986), which has a fine annotated bibliography. An even wider field is explored in the very readable survey by William D. Phillips, Jr., _Slavery from Roman Times to the Early Transatlantic Trade_ (Minneapolis: U of Minnesota Press, 1985). This also has a good bibliography (not annotated), but it stops at about 1700. More recent perspectives can be gleaned from two of the new encyclopedias on "world slavery": one was edited by Paul Finkelman and Joseph Miller and the other by Stanley Engerman and Seymour Drescher (the first published, I think, by Macmillan and the second by Oxford). Sorry I don't have the specific titles handy. Douglas Deal Professor of History and Director of General Education State University of New York at Oswego Oswego, NY 13126 deal@oswego.edu (315)-341-5631 (voice mail) (315)-341-3577 (FAX) ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 13:05:55 EDT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Dinahg60@AOL.COM Subject: Re: online teaching resources MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit The teachers I work with have used the Africans in America video two ways. One 11th grade teacher (at the NYC Museum School) used it as a resource for a small group studying colonial slavery in her class project on colonial America. The class was broken down into groups, e.g., Native Americans, Slavery, Geography, etc. The project was to put together a labeled, bulletin board size map of colonial America. The students then presented the map to the 7th grade American History students and explained their labels. The group that was studying slavery watched the Africans in America video and took notes on the information they needed. They then put these notes together and pulled out specific information that they needed for their labels. The second teacher used the Africans in AMerica website for an assignment where the students looked up documents about colonial laws and codes pertaining to slavery. They then used a primary document analysis worksheet (available from the National Archives website) to examine each document and presented their results back to the class. The teacher asked the students to think about what ways racism between Europeans and Africans had been codified and enforced in colonial America. I'm not sure how helpful this is for graduate students. ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 13:50:49 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Randee Goodstadt Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Dear Mary: I certainly do apologize if I completely mis-read the intent of the = posting in which (if memory serves) you expressed your frustration with = people trying to justify or rationalize slavery by implying that it was = better, more humane, etc, in the English colonies than the Spanish. =20 In reaction, I felt angry because in the previous posting I could see = absolutely nothing of the sort, and in fact, it seemed to me that a great = deal of time was spent by many correspondents stating how much they hated = slavery and what an appalling thing it was. =20 I am impatient with that (need to state that we hate slavery) because to = me it is stating the obvious. No doubt in our personal lives, many of us = have a long way to go in attitudes toward and relationships with people of = backgrounds different than our own. Be that as it may, the historical = profession as a whole in my generation strikes me as theoretically as far = as can be from endorsing ANY kind of racism and certainly not slavery. I felt that you were unjustly inpugning the motives of participants who = asked about slavery in Spanish colonies. Now it may be true that I simply = missed the nuance of what was indeed a politically motivated question, but = at the time it totally did not strike me that way. =20 I have been around the historical profession long enough (got out of = college in '75 and grad school in '81) to see many conversations shut down = in the name of political correctness and purity. I'm embarassed to say = that I participated in some of those attempts at thought-control myself. = =20 So, I am happy to hear that your intention was not to censor thought in = any way, but simply to point out the need for historians to think of = slavery from the prespective of the slaves. (I certainly agree with you = about the latter. Personally, I've never been able to think about it any = other way. I lack the imagination to consider participants in such cruelty = as full human beings, although I know they were/are.) Finally, I am not a sir but fully female! Regards, Randee Randee Brenner Goodstadt Asheville-Buncombe Technical Community College Asheville, NC 828-254-1921 ex. 296 rgoodstadt@asheville.cc.ns.us >>> c 10/21/99 05:28PM >>> it was not my intent either to suggest thought control or to suggest that anyone to whom i posted my response was racist. i ask that you reread my post and remove your emotions from that reading. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" On Thu, 21 Oct 1999, Randee Goodstadt wrote: > I appreciated Mary Blanchard Loving's heartfelt comments about the = specific miseries of enslavement. However, it has been my very strong = impression that no one participating in this whole discussion thinks that = slavery was anything but immoral. > > Are you suggesting that we would be better off to simply teach our = students that slavery is immoral and say nothing more about it? Don't we = have a right and a need to know the specifics? I for one am curious about = how slavery actually operated, just as I am curious about how Nazi = genocide operated as well. Which is, I wish I didn't feel compelled to = say, not to say that I find either morally acceptable. > > I am personally uncomfortable with attempts to prevent discussion of = certain aspects of history. My students want to know about such issues, = and I want to be reasonably informed in order to give them solid answers. = I resent attempts at thought control and don't practice it in my classroom.= > > And I deeply resent and reject attempts to paint anyone who disagrees = with a person of color as a racist. My personal credentials are pretty = solid, let's not even go there. > > > > Regards, > Randee > > Randee Brenner Goodstadt > Asheville-Buncombe Technical Community College > Asheville, NC > 828-254-1921 ex. 296 > rgoodstadt@asheville.cc.ns.us=20 > > >>> c 10/20/99 11:26PM >>> > Slaveowners throughout the Americas both violated and fostered = what we > might call "family values" in their own "peculiar" ways. > > i am perturbed by the notion that *we* seem to have a need to demonstrate= > that one form of slavery was better than another. we seem to be caught = up > in the notion that we must defend ourselves (that is, defend our > collective past history of slaveownership) by noting that one group of > slaveowners *permitted marriage* while another group - more bloodthirsty= , > i imagine we are to suppose them as being - did not. let me suggest = that > slavery was an immoral act. let me suggest further that those who held > africans against their will participated in an immoral act to no benefit > of the enslaved (captive) africans. > > i agree with deal's assessment (above) that the americas *violated* and > *fostered* values in their own peculiar ways. and i am thankful for = those > of *us* who understand and communicate that there can be no middle = ground > on the issue. slavery was bad. > > and i am curious why we have to keep taking these measurements: good > slaveowner; bad slaveowner. what / who are we trying to salvage in these > type assessments? can we not agree that slavery - in its > entirety - was immoral; slavery, in its entirety, was not benign; = slavery, > in its entirety, was a particularly horrific act for which there was and > is no moral excuse. > > i want to suggest that those of *us* who want to view slavery as > delineated along the lines of good slaveowner, bad slaveowner, put > yourself in the shoes of one of my ancestors. would being *permitted* = to > marry have made you feel better about having been kidnapped from your > homeland? suppose you were *permitted* to learn to read as recompense = for > being so kidnapped? would you feel better? maybe only one of your three > daughters would be sold and you got to see the other two grow up as = slaves > with you. feel better? maybe your grandfather, or your father, or an > uncle was only mutilated and not killed when they tried to escape. does > that do it for you? what exactly > would it take for you to consider yourself *lucky* to be a slave? > > i grow weary of these types of arguments. come now, let's say it all > together: slavery was an immoral act for which there was / is no > justification. period. > > now, can we move on to the new landscape where we examine slavery from = the > perspective of the captive rather than from the perspective of the = captor? > > > Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's > Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires > A Poetics of Black Women's that we be seen as whole people > Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities - as > The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human = - > School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those > 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar > nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this > society in place of genuine = images > of Black women." - Audre Lorde, > "Age, Race, Class and Sex" > ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 14:48:41 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII i wish to respond to randee's post as follows. note that i have copied snippets of it - parts that i *read* as containing the gist of her (sorry about the mis-address, randee) argument. here goes: Be that as it may, the historical profession as a whole in my generation strikes me as theoretically as far as can be from endorsing ANY kind of racism and certainly not slavery. perhaps that has been your experience (that historians are theoretically ...removed from endorsing....) however, my experience has not been so. specifically, i find that i must still defend against attacks of "well, phillis wheatley wasn't really a slave, was she" and other notions of slavery as a benign institution. questions that suggest a *degree* of slavery - that is, questions that suggest that some slavery may have been beneficial to africans (they were allowed to marry, after all) bother me and i will not attempt, ever again, to pretend that they do not. should one suppose me "racist" because i will express my view with regard to those type questions, well, that is that person's problem and they will simply have to deal with it the best they know how. I felt that you were unjustly inpugning the motives of participants who asked about slavery in Spanish colonies. Now it may be true that I simply missed the nuance of what was indeed a politically motivated question, but at the time it totally did not strike me that way. and, it is okay for you to read me and respond to me in a way that impugns my motives, but not for me to do so? that's how i read your argument above. i will simply state that i had no intention of calling anyone racist. were you to know me, you would realize that i do not beat about the bush - if i thought the post was *racist* i would have said so point blank. what i said, and what i will repeat here is that i am weary of those type questions. to me, they imply ....see answer above. I have been around the historical profession long enough (got out of college in '75 and grad school in '81) to see many conversations shut down in the name of political correctness and purity. again, you don't know me. so you can't know how i feel about the notion of *political correctness*. i prefer plain good manners to insipid *correctness* of any nature. and, i am close to 50. i too have been around for some time - long enough to see many conversations shut down because the power structure was not *willing* to acknowledge a lone voice that kept shouting out: what about my perspective? what about what i think? it is not my intent to stop any voice, and know too that it is not my intent to have my voice stopped. i will speak out. and i will challenge notions of *good slave owner* *bad slave owner*. if it bothers you, ma'am, then you will have to work that out for yourself. PEACE. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 15:55:39 EDT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Nancy Levey Subject: nancy levey here MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit hey ellen- is there a way to get off the ashp listserver? thanks. nancy ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 15:10:10 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: <00f601bf1ca8$c66a4540$107efea9@AASU> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Florida, however, was a safe haven for African slaves who escaped from British Colonies from c. 1696 onward. The slaves could claim they were seeking religious asylum. There is a video and a neat little book on Fort Mose, a free black settlement outside St. Augustine in the 1730s, that students enjoy. Its published by the Univ. of Florida Press. thanks to all who have provided info on texts. i have made a list and will begin reviewing the ones that caught my interest. i want to note too that sometimes fiction serves as a good pool from which to pull info on freedman towns, *escaping* from slavery, and the relationship between slaves and indigenous folk. zora neal hurston comes to mind as a valuable resource. i also think that the work of frances smith foster (antebellum slave narratives) is great for this purpose (getting the captive's point of view) as well as gates' collection of black women's narratives, mellon's the bullwhip days, and (i think by jordan) black over white. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 15:17:35 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: nancy levey here Comments: To: Nancy Levey In-Reply-To: <0.1b45895f.25421b3b@aol.com> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII You may leave the list at any time by sending a "SIGNOFF SLAVERYFORUM" command to LISTSERV@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 21:01:59 GMT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: bakari stamps Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed i sure hope so! after reading the postings on slavery forum you've made an impression on me. a good one! hopefully one day i'll get the chance to meet you. i'm a student at Millersville Univ. in Lancaster, Pa. currently taking a class in Afr-Am. History. Our professor has really raised my awareness and urgency to know what really went on. The only problem is that one semester is just not enough time to soak up all this, as you're well aware. When i finally do get my teaching degree i hope i direct all my students to the 'real truth' about this wilderness in which we live. i also hope that i can help them to accept it w/out taking offense. history is real, and regardless of one's credentials or personal beliefs we gotta a lotta junk to sift through. "i am the way, the truth and the light...", "...surely i am coming soon."-Jesus this brutha wasn't joking! (lol) get ready world, here he comes! if the truth hurts say, "ouch!" then move forward to bigger and better things, that's all we can do. Ms. Blanchard, do you know where i can get a copy of David Walker's "Appeal"? In my class we were reading about how during slavery any black person caught with a copy of this writing could be instantly sentenced to death. i checked my school's library, didn't see it. i'm interested in gaining a copy for my own personal reading, and so my future kids(school and own)can uplift their minds. he must have said some really nasty things about the slave authorities.(lol) take care and smile cuz the sun is shinin' somewhere right now! -Bakari >From: c >Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY >To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU >Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese >Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 07:00:49 -0500 > > man, i'm only a baby in the whole scheme of life and >african-american > history. > >the future belongs to you, little brother. take it. teach the rest of us >what it means to strive for the real. we may finally be ready to hear >you. > > >Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's >Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires >A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people > Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as >The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - >School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those >972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar >nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this > society in place of genuine images > of Black women." - Audre Lorde, > "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ______________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 16:59:44 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Comments: To: bakari stamps In-Reply-To: <19991022210159.48519.qmail@hotmail.com> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Ms. Blanchard, do you know where i can get a copy of David Walker's "Appeal"? my friends call me *nia*. do a search for books in print. if walker's text is anywhere out there, that should direct you to it. also do a search on amazon.com. they have done a remarkable job in the past of getting hard to find documents. also do a search of henry louis gates' writings, especially those collaborations he has done with john shields. you may find a microfiche of the text that you will have to make copies of. that's what happened to me when i went in search of phillis wheatley's 1773 volume of poetry. let me know if any of these suggestions help. in the meantime i will check with a professor here (are you out there lurking dr nema?) and see if she can offer suggestions. i think she used a reprint of walker's text for a class she teaches. and, believe it or not, i'm not a history major. :) however, i do read history as a grand narrative (much as i read literature as a grand narrative). one of my areas of specialization is the slave narratives of black american women, so an inquiry into the history of the period became important to my overall inquiry. no doubt, however, you will find it easy to believe that my second area of specialization is rhetoric (defined sometimes as "the ability to argue...well" :). peace, lil bro. i'll be in touch soon. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 18:29:59 EDT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Roberta Koza Subject: Re: online teaching resources MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit PBS African in America - I have it bookmarked at school - call me there 774-0300, ext. 2079 See you on the 2nd! Roberta ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 22 Oct 1999 18:03:38 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese Comments: To: bakari stamps In-Reply-To: <19991022210159.48519.qmail@hotmail.com> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII bakari, i found, in our own library here in texas, a microfiche of walker's appeal. you may have to do an interlibrary loan through your library. i am posting the information here for you. Author: Walker, David, 1785-1830. Title: David Walker's appeal, in four articles, together with a preamble, to the coloured citizens of the world, but in particular, and very expressly, to those of the United States of America. Edited and with an introd. by Charles M. Wiltse. Publisher: New York, Hill and Wang [1965] Description: xii, 78 p. 21 cm. Added Authors: Wiltse, Charles Maurice, 1907- ed. Notes: Bibliographical footnotes. Subjects: Slavery --United States--Controversial literature-1830 Location Collection Call# Format McDermott Library Main Stacks E446 .W178 Author: Walker, David, 1785-1830. Title: Walker's appeal, in four articles; together with a preamble, to the coloured citizens of the world, but in particular, and very expressly, to those of the United States of America, written in Boston, state of Massachusetts, September 28, 1829. Edition: 3d and last ed., with additional notes, corrections, &c. Publisher: Boston, D. Walker, 1830. Description: 88 p. Notes: Microfilm. Ann Arbor, Mich., Xerox University Microfilms, 1974. 1 reel. 35 mm. (American Culture Series, reel 604.19) Location Collection Call# Format McDermott Library Microfilm Z1215 .A5852 reel 604.19 Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Sat, 23 Oct 1999 03:11:03 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY Comments: SoVerNet Verification (on pike.sover.net) svjcbiti from arc1a124.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.252] 207.136.201.252 Sat, 23 Oct 1999 03:08:10 -0400 (EDT) From: Stephen Homick Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Hash: SHA1 El 20 Oct 99, a las 22:43, J. Douglas Deal scripsit: > Stephen Homick presents a contrast that might need some modification > on both sides. When examining slavery and families in Latin America, > one always has to ask whether laws did in fact reflect ordinary or > customary practices. In principle I'm bound to agree with Dr. Deal. Spanish juridical codes oftentimes were grocery lists of desiderata; honored as much if not more in the breach than in the observance, they furnished a blueprint for ideal social harmony, but were notoriously wanting in feasible prescriptions to achieve it. Without doubt, slaveowners didn't scruple in defending their common-law right to chattel property, even if it was in other human beings. Yet at the same time, the Church strove to uphold every person's divinely- ordained entitlement to salvation and freedom to work in peace for entry into heaven. Royal officials walked a thin line in this ongoing contest between the profane and the sacred. It goes without saying that Mammon came out the victor most of the time. Nonetheless, palpable proof exists to demonstrate that African bondsmen were duly and legitimately married, and that their marriages were officially recognized and upheld by royal authorities. Whatever else, it suffices to establish a clear-cut difference between the Ibero- and Anglo-American slave regimes. For that official recognition of their marriages accorded slaves in the Spanish Indies and Brazil a bona fide civic identity as legitimate families; whereas in the British colonies slave unions were devoid of any such legitimacy, and their existence depended entirely on the owner's pleasure. To say the least, this was a unique, nay, "peculiar" situation. Peculiar because, in the iron-clad, absolutist Spanish empire, where collateral political institutions had long since been laid waste by an omnipotent monarchy, it turns out that, at least on paper, the slave was accorded a few rights. Yet his coeval to the north, who toiled for the English, a people with a well-deserved reputation for proclaiming and asserting their rights, privileges and immunities, had no legitimate civic identity at all. How to account for this anomaly? Now, my stock in trade isn't early American history; but I'll nonetheless put on the table a guess of sorts. As I understand it, all His Britannic Majesty's North American plantations were or ultimately became his real property. If there's a grain of truth to what I've just said, then it's reasonable to believe that neither Parliament nor the much- touted common law had any purview in the colonies; for they were royal domain, over which the king's prerogative would hold sway. Hence from a legal point of view, a condition of ubi ius incertum, ibi ius nullum--where the law is uncertain, there's no law at all-- was present in them. The proprietors to who whom the king had entrusted his American domains, were pretty much at liberty to lay down their own law; for the royal prerogative would be the only legitimate, competent authority to stand in their way. In these circumstances slaveowners could tailor a juridical system to their own wants and needs, with little interference from superior authority. As long as the king got his cut of the proceeds, why should he be overly concerned with how the overseers of royal plantations organized and appropriated labor. What's more, though slavery had all but vanished from Albion and become repugnant to the people, its legitimacy could not be impugned, and was in fact affirmed by that ultimate and handiest of all authorities: Leviticus 25:44 or I Cor. 7:20-23, for instance. And apropos of Parliament and the common law, either of them was incompetent; what the king or his duly-appointed agents might do on royal domain simply was not theirs to judge. So, unlike their Hispanic coevals, British colonists succeeded in putting in place a system of coerced, slave labor comparatively unhindered by statist interference. No ponderous compilations of law, no over-conscientious officials, no sanctimonious clerics to gum up the works. After wrenching independence from the very same monarchy that abetted them, their American successors came close to matching that feat when they founded the new Republic. Would Dr. Deal be so kind as to tell me if my guess has hit the mark or missed it? Homick Champlain College "Wagner's music is better than it sounds." - --Mark Twain -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Version: PGP 6.0.2 -- QDPGP 2.50 Comment: http://community.wow.net/grt/qdpgp.html iQA/AwUBOBFfhrBKDh9GYnshEQL3UQCgrtlLJr+R254aZ/6DgsQWMLIw1WcAni+T FKP7IwyAYTTCBv2WBScb4LPA =479j -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- ========================================================================= Date: Sat, 23 Oct 1999 11:34:29 +0200 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Daniel Goodey Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Hello, I question whether or not Stephen is correct in his assertion that slavery in Spanish colonies was constrained in any way, i.e., through moral or religious ideals, because of a greater influence by the Catholic church. It is my understanding that the hierarchy and religious institutions of the Catholic church in America were also known to have not only accepted slavery, but actually owned slaves themselves. Granted that the religious orders who owned slaves did tend to keep family units together, nevertheless, to argue that the British colonies had a freer hand because of a lack of "sanctimonious clerics" is to deny the active participation in the system of slavery by the very institution which is claimed to have had a limiting effect on the practices of slavery within the Spanish colonies. Far from being sanctimonious, I would argue that the Catholic church - like other denominational churches (with perhaps the exception of the Quakers) - actually used slavery to their own advantage rather than mitigated it in any way. Kind regards, Daniel J. Goodey Hoger Instituut voor Wijsbegeerte Katholieke Universiteit Leuven ========================================================================= Date: Sat, 23 Oct 1999 08:58:21 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: <002b01bf1d39$d09db100$03000004@kotnet.kuleuven.ac.be> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Far from being sanctimonious, I would argue that the Catholic church - like other denominational churches (with perhaps the exception of the Quakers) -actually used slavery to their own advantage rather than mitigated it in any way. and i would agree - with an additional caveat. even the quakers *participated* in that peculiar institution. phillis wheatley, in her poem *On being brought from AFRICA to AMERICA* notes the (initial and sometimes continued ) use by quakers of indigo products and sugar - other items that were part of the triangle trade along with blacks from africa. no offense intended to my quaker brothers and sisters, but know that their hands were not completely clean when it came to the issue of slavery. in addition, those same quakers *abandoned* the fight against slavery with the coming of the civil war, making their way to canada and other points far north. with the sojourn of the quakers from the colonies, many blacks (slave and free) whom they had befriended were left to fend for themselves. wheatley, by then free herself, was one of those blacks so abandoned. she died, penniless and alone at about age 33 /34. her third child died in her arms. just a few years before she had been the darling of the liberators who showed her off to folks; quakers who effectively commodified her work to present her as an example of what could be accomplished with these heathen blacks were one to work hard enough in *civilizing* them. and certainly, christianity was the *ploy* used by europeans (settled in the colonies) as a *reason* to enslave africans. interesting to me; however, is the fact that many africans - wheatley among them - were not alien to the concept of slavery. the arabic chattel system had enslaved many africans prior to the coming of the europeans. the difference in the system(s) of slavery was that after being converted to islam, the arabic chattel system required that those so converted could no longer be slave- it was impossible / sacreligious / to enslave a *brother*. in the christian system,however, even after conversion the africans remained enslaved. for me, literature (poetry and fiction) has granted me access into an *understanding* of sorts with regard to the *differences* in chattel systems as practicd by various groups. wheatley's 1773 work has been most valuable. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Sun, 24 Oct 1999 22:04:11 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY Comments: SoVerNet Verification (on pike.sover.net) svjcbiti from arc1a78.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.206] 207.136.201.206 Sun, 24 Oct 1999 21:58:37 -0400 (EDT) From: Stephen Homick Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: <002b01bf1d39$d09db100$03000004@kotnet.kuleuven.ac.be> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset=US-ASCII Content-transfer-encoding: 7BIT -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Hash: SHA1 El 23 Oct 99, a las 11:34, Daniel Goodey scripsit: > I question whether or not Stephen is correct in his assertion that > slavery in Spanish colonies was constrained in any way, i.e., through > moral or religious ideals, because of a greater influence by the > Catholic church. It is my understanding that the hierarchy and > religious institutions of the Catholic church in America were also > known to have not only accepted slavery, but actually owned slaves > themselves. Granted that the religious orders who owned slaves did > tend to keep family units together, nevertheless, to argue that the > British colonies had a freer hand because of a lack of "sanctimonious > clerics" is to deny the active participation in the system of slavery > by the very institution which is claimed to have had a limiting effect > on the practices of slavery within the Spanish colonies. Far from > being sanctimonious, I would argue that the Catholic church - like > other denominational churches (with perhaps the exception of the > Quakers) - actually used slavery to their own advantage rather than > mitigated it in any way. Though I must concur with much of Prof. Goodey's rebuttal, at risk of unwittingly becoming an apologist of Frank Tannenbaum's continually-disputed "myth of the friendly master," I nonetheless think a few dissenting clarifications are in order. In the first place, I referred to the Church as part of the superior authority whose positive law set forth the juridical framework in which slavery was to develop in the Spanish and Portuguese Indies. That framework, though generally prohibitive, coercive and punitive, was to a small degree prescriptive and permissive; it accorded the slave a de iure civil identity, as well as a few other rights. A like case can't be made for the development of the peculiar institution in the British colonies. Secondly, Church's stance on slavery was beyond doubt *perverse,* to put it charitably. One the one hand, popes, beginning with Pius II in the C15, followed by Paul V and Urban VII in the C16 and C17, respectively, at least conditionally condemned the barbarous truck in human cargoes. But on the other, the Church both implicitly and explicitly recognized the "just-war" rationale for slavery; and in that sense it sanctioned the institution. Bonded labor for an indeterminate period though officially not perpetual, in the Church's eyes, was the debt Africans must discharge for their conversion to the True Faith. In such weasel-reasoning, the Church found the justification to take part in and reap benefits from slavery. Needless to say, voices of clerical dissent weren't long in being raised. Las Casas, Molina, Mercado and Sandoval all debunked the "just-war" as reason for kidnapping Africans and transporting them in bondage to the Indies in the C16. Likewise the prelate of Mexico wrote king Philip II, questioning the propriety of enslaving people who were receptive to the Word and didn't seek the extermination of Christians. And in the last instance there was the remarkable ministry of Pere Claver, the "slaves' slave," who in the C17 railed repeatedly against slavery from the maw of the beast itself--Cartagena de Indias, that teeming, reeking slavists' hell-hole which abutted the Spanish Main. In stark contrast, aside from your odd abolitionist petition occasionally penned by marginal sects such as the Mennonites or Quakers, one searches in vain for much mainstream opposition to slavery. The only time it was questioned in any sustained, serious fashion occurred during the debates over the Constitution; and the outcome of those deliberations is too obvious to warrant mention. Finally, the divergent institutional frames that obtained in Iberian and British America yielded expectedly divergent outcomes for their respective slave populations. In the Hispanic domains, the slaves' legal civil identity gave them a place in the social order, albeit at its bottom, and more importantly, a means of sorts to advance in it: Manumissions took place with a certain regularity; racial mixing, while generally frowned on, was a continual occurrence to which a degree of tolerance developed; and in consequence laws were adjusted or decreed to accommodate the resulting changes. As early as the C17, Martin de Porres, son of an African "liberta" (manumitted slave) mother could take his vows in the Dominican Order. In New Granada, along the Spanish Main, entire communities of slaves and libertos, duly constituted and replete with a municipal administration, church and curate, sprouted up. Towards the end of the C18, the crown even contrived an institutional means by which libertos (freedmen) could strike from their past slavery's odious taint: the "Gracias al Sacar," or graces of redemption. For a price, usually a steep one, a liberto could purchase a certificate attesting his good, Christian birth. And after the wars of independence in Ibero-America, with the notable exceptions of Brazil, Cuba and Puerto Rico, abolition turned out to be little more than a formality, in no small way because of the slave policy that had developed there. Slavery fared very differently in British America. Slave law there was generally coercive, punitive and accorded no civil identity to slaves, for one thing. For another, manumissions were far less frequent and much more difficult to obtain. Likewise, race-mixing, though it doubtless took place, was considered odious, repugnant and shameful; its palpable consequence was the notorious "one-drop" rule, unique in the world and a hot-button issue even today. But perhaps most important of all, independence for the 13C didn't resolve the problem of slavery: On the contrary, it only served to put off its resolution. I trust this somewhat extended rejoinder has succeeded in making clear why I think there were substantial differences between Ibero- and Anglo-American slavery. Homick Champlain College P.D.: How nice to exchange ideas with Prof. Goodey, who apparently is affiliated with the Leuven. The last time I had the pleasure to do so, was many years ago at the Archivo General de Indias and several of the charming little bars close by it in Seville. -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Version: PGP 6.0.2 -- QDPGP 2.50 Comment: http://community.wow.net/grt/qdpgp.html iQA/AwUBOBO6mrBKDh9GYnshEQIQlQCeJ+FHqlx3h11nCiXM1PYOs6RzeHwAoLgS bSZXn2UkqkSg2kFbWdPXJ4lL =c2kd -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- ========================================================================= Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 11:02:24 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Stephen Whitman Subject: Re: David Walker's Appeal In-Reply-To: <19991022210159.48519.qmail@hotmail.com> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII To supplement Ms. Blanchard's sources for the __Appeal__ itself, people interested in David Walker should look for a new biography on him, Peter Hinks's __To Awaken My Afflicted Brethren: David Walker and the Problem of Antebellum Slave Resistance__, pub. in 1997 by Penn State Press, and available in paperback. Hinks has an extended analysis of the Appeal that is well worth reading. Steve Whitman, Mt. St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, MD ========================================================================= Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 13:20:50 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Paddy Swiney Subject: david walker's appeal Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii david walker's appeal can be found online at www.txwesleyan.edu/ohan/readings/coloured.html I'm sure this isn't all of it, but it's a start. pds ========================================================================= Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 14:56:57 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Ira Berlin Subject: David Walker Comments: To: Pennee Bender MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII There are any number of recent reprints of DAVID WALKER'S APPEAL, many of them in paperback. The latest, I believe, has a fine introduction by Sean Wilentz. Also take a look at the biography of Walker by Peter Hinks. ira berlin ---------------------- Ira Berlin iberlin@deans.umd.edu ========================================================================= Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 15:48:52 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Ira Berlin Subject: Slavery in the Americas Comments: To: Pennee Bender MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII Thanks all for the extended discussion of slavery in Spanish America, particularly place in comparative perspective. As we learned, this is a large subject with a long bibliographic tail that goes back at least to Frank Tannenbaum's classic SLAVE AND CITIZEN. (An important book well worth the read.) The key to this literature is to define very carefully the elements of slavery to be compared. The forces that shaped the slaves' material circumstances (food and shelter, for example) were radically different from those that shaped the slaves' access to freedom or standing once freed or the degree cultural independence--such a an independent family and community life. Often the relationship between these, rather than being direct, is inverse, so that slaves who enjoyed relatively good material conditions (say house servants) had little cultural independence, whereas slaves who worked in the field and resided in the quarter had a good deal of cultural autonomy but comparatively poor material conditions. From this perspective, the role of the King and the Church which claimed a vested right in the slave a subject and the slave a soul--even against the masters' claims of property--(as did the Spanish Crown) might affect some aspects of slave life in a positive way and some in a negative way. At all times and in all places, however, juridical power whether it emanated from the state or the church often had little affect on day-to- day relations between slave and slaveowner. On one hand, the on-the-ground struggle had little to do with the grand pronouncement of the bishops and bureaucrats. On the other hand, sometime the CROWN and Church intervened decisively. Our job is to explore both possibilities and then generalize from those investigations, which is what the best histories of slavery do. The point of all of this, and of our own discussion, is that in sorting through the multiple possibilities and drawing some generalization we learn about slavery's complex history, and how it was made as much by slaves as by the Spanish Crown or its minions. That no one variable--be it the slaveowners' national origins or the slaves' origins or the nature of work slaves do (in sugar v. cotton v. coffee v.tobacco)--alone explains the differ experiences which define the slaves' history. ira berlin ---------------------- Ira Berlin iberlin@deans.umd.edu ========================================================================= Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 14:52:07 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "K. Russell Lohse" Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable There are a lot of issues on the table in this thread and I wanted to comment on several. I sympathize with Blanchard, Stamps and Goodstadt's desire to proclaim slavery immoral once and for all time. But how far does that get us in understanding the lives of enslaved people? As students of history, we know that this truth was not always self-evident. Until about 200 years ago, slavery as an institution was an accepted fact of life in most places on earth. (I strongly recommend John K. Thornton's Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World and Joseph C. Miller's Way of Death for introductions to West Central African political economy and the role of slavery in it.) Certainly slaves did not submit to slavery but it would have done them little good simply to condemn its morality -- this is a luxury we (people of the 20th century) enjoy long after the fact. Painfully aware that the complete overthrow of slavery was impossible, how did slaves live given the options they did have? This is a much more fruitful question, I think. We may agree that all masters were bad and slavery anywhere was horrible. Blanchard directs us to Mellon's selection from the WPA slave narratives. These accounts are replete with distinctions between masters made by ex-slaves themselves. While I hope none of us would call a master "good" just because he whipped his slaves only rarely and sometimes gave them enough to eat, I think it would be pretty cynical (as well as just plain wrong) if we let our agreement that all masters were bad lead us to assert that this made no difference to the slaves. It should also remind us that there can be no neat separation between the view of the "captor" and the "captive." The point of view of individual slavemasters certainly mattered to individual slaves. So our condemnation can only be a starting point, not the end of the discussion, if we want to try to understand the experience of slaves and not just our own feelings. =20 The only people who can really say if slavery was "better" or "worse" in one place or another were the slaves who lived in different slave societies -- Olaudah Equiano, as one example. But we can select and compare certain criteria that can be measured empirically, although this may be difficult. What were the variations in life expectancy, fertility, etc., among slaves in different colonies? How often did slaves marry, and to what extent were slave families separated, in fact not in law? The answers to these questions can give us common standards with which to compare. (See Eugene D. Genovese, "Materialism and Idealism in the History of Negro Slavery in the Americas." In In Red and Black: Marxian Explorations in Southern and Afro-American History. New York: Pantheon, 1971.) If there were differences in the treatment of slaves in different American societies, how can they be explained? Tannenbaum in Slave and Citizen and Homick among many others have argued that the difference in legal attitudes (in particular, Tannenbaum's "moral personality" or Homick's "bona fide civic identity") toward slaves is paramount. But the law anywhere was only an ideal (the ideal being the extent to which the state could control slaveholders) and the actual living conditions of slaves varied widely. Show me a law against abusing slaves and I'll show you one masters broke. In other words, it's necessary but by no means sufficient to understand the legal ideals governing master/slave relations. Examining measures such as those suggested above, we find few differences between say, Cuba, Brazil, or the British Caribbean, despite their different legal traditions. And we often find Homick's "ubi ius incertum, ibi ius nullum" or Genovese's "hegemonic function of the law" at work as well (on this point I especially recommend Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, "Silences of the Law: Customary Law and Positive Law on the Manumission of Slaves in 19th Century Brazil." History and Anthropology 1, no. 2 (1985): 427-443). Another of Homick's statements after Tannenbaum is the allegation that the abolition of slavery "after the wars of independence in Ibero-America, with the notable exceptions of Brazil, Cuba and Puerto Rico, abolition turned out to be little more than a formality": wrong on its face. Slavery was not abolished in New Granada (Colombia), Venezuela, Peru or Ecuador until the 1850s, Paraguay in the 1860s, etc. In many of these areas this "formality" did not occur without popular mobilization and warfare, and nowhere was it accomplished as smoothly and easily as Tannenbaum dreamed. (Granted, abolition was only one of many issues in these nineteenth-century wars, just as in the wars in the U.S. or Cuba.) Carlos Aguirre's Agentes de su propia libertad: Los esclavos de Lima y la desintegraci=F3n de la esclavitud, 1821-1854 (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Cat=F3lica del Per=FA, Fondo= Editorial, 1993) is the best study on Peru; Christine H=FCnefeldt reaches similar conclusions (readily available in English) in Paying the Price of Freedom: Family and Labor Among Lima's Slaves, 1800-1854 (Trans. Alexandra Stern. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994). Especially in Brazil, there is an excellent developing historiography that tries to examine both the ideals and realities of master/slave relations, from the points of view of both masters and slaves, e.g. Silvia Hunold Lara, Campos de viol=EAncia: Escravos e senhores na capitania do Rio de Janeiro 1750-1808. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Paz e Terra, 1988. Lara explicitly tries to move beyond notions of the "good" and "bad" master, paternalism vs. profit motive, etc. to understand the master/slave relationship as it was understood by masters and slaves. Another fine example is Sidney Chalhoub, Vis=F5es da liberdade: Uma hist=F3ria das ultimas decadas da escravid=E3o na corte (S=E3o Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1990). Unfortunately, little of the Brazilian and less of the Spanish American literature has been translated into English. (It pays to keep in mind that only 5% of enslaved Africans bound for the New World ended up in the future U.S.A.) Russ Lohse Grad student, Univ. Texas at Austin ========================================================================= Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 16:42:00 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "J. Douglas Deal" Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and portuguese In-Reply-To: <199910230708.DAA29400@pike.sover.net> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII Professor Homick is very close to the mark, in all probability, in arguing that application of the notion of prerogative law in the colonies opened the door to the selective borrowing of common law principles and the elaboration of private property rights in slaves--a kind of "legal space" in which slave codes could be fashioned that might correspond to nothing in the English legal tradition but did fit local circumstances and the needs of slave owners in particular colonies quite well. Though not exactly the standard position taken by most early Americanists on the subject, this argument is at the center of a recent reconsideration of the law of colonial slavery by Jonathan Bush, "The British Constitution and the Creation of American Slavery," in Paul Finkelman, ed., _Slavery and the Law_ (Madison House, 1997), 379-418 (an earlier and longer version appeared in the _Yale Journal of Law and the Humanities_, 5 (1993)). It's worth a careful reading by anyone interested in the subject. Douglas Deal Professor of History and Director of General Education State University of New York at Oswego Oswego, NY 13126 deal@oswego.edu (e-mail) (315)-341-5631 (voice mail) (315)-341-3577 (FAX) ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 00:55:23 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY Comments: SoVerNet Verification (on garnet.sover.net) svjcbiti from arc1a94.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.222] 207.136.201.222 Tue, 26 Oct 1999 00:47:24 -0400 (EDT) From: Stephen Homick Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese In-Reply-To: <1.5.4.32.19991025195207.00687c68@mail.utexas.edu> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 Content-transfer-encoding: Quoted-printable In response to Mr. Lohse's extensive and thoughtful posting, I'd like to make a few brief comments on two parts of it: his critique of institutional-juridical criteria in explaining differences in the treatment of slaves and their quality of life in American slave society; and his rebuttal to my claim that abolition in the Iberian-American republics was just a formality. On the first count, at least in Cuba there's a clear cut difference that Spanish law made in slaves' lives. It was noted by Baron Humboldt during his sojourn to Cuba early in the 1800s. "In no part of the world, where slavery exists, is manumission so frequent as in the Island of Cuba," he observed (_The island of Cuba_, ca. 1860?). Indeed, almost since the first Spanish settlement of the Fernandine Isle, slaves possessed the legal right to negotiate emancipation with their owners, through a contractual agreement known as coartaci=F3n. Though it favored native-born or "criollo" slaves over new arrivals and urban over rural slaves, this arrangement continued throughout Cuba's colonial tutelage; in fact it developed its own momentum, and held out the promise of eventual freedom to Cuban slaves generally. The progressive growth in the number of free Cubans of color in the nineteenth century attests the impact of coartaci=F3n. And the uniqueness Cuba's freed-colored population in Caribbean slave societies generally has been discussed by Ortiz (_Los esclavos negros_, 1916), Saco (_Historia de esclavitud de la raza africana en el nuevo mundo, 1938), Klein (_Slavery in the Americas..._, 1967) and Hall (_Social control in slave plantation societies..._, 1971), among other respected students of American slavery. While Mr. Lohse's dictum that, "the law anywhere was just an ideal...and the actual living conditions of slaves varied widely," may hold true in most instances, there were times that it became reality and made a difference: Cuban coartaci=F3n is one of them. Another can be found in the U.S., if we invert his definition of the legal ideal involved. Instead of being "the extent to which the state could control slaveholders," in the early Republic it would fit to say that the ideal was the extent to which slaveholders could control the state. As things turned out, the legal ideal became reality there, too, and left its indelible imprint on the American social fabric. Not for nothing did Pinckney cheerfully tell his fellow South Carolinians that, "the general government can never emancipate them...." Now, apropos of what Mr. Lohse has said about the process of abolition in the Spanish-American republics, there's much to commend in it. Yes, they certainly didn't abolish slavery in one fell swoop; much of the time the road to abolition was exceedingly rugged, punctuated by social unrest and strife. Nonetheless, nowhere but nowhere in those distressed, discontented, unhappy nations did the issue of abolishing slavery become a persistent, corrosive, treacherous political problem that threatened their very existence, as in the U.S. In South America, abolition never persistently cropped up on legislative agenda, never touched off bitter recurring debates, never divided the body politic into armed opposing camps, at daggers drawn and prepared to fight to death. Indeed, all that happened in the U.S. but not in the South American republics. Why? Why was abolition such a bloody ordeal here, yet by comparison a "formality" there? Homick Champlain College "Nisi Defectum Haud Reficindium" ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 09:26:30 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese In-Reply-To: <199910260447.AAA01676@garnet.sover.net> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII in this post i am pointing to several threads that i have culled from your (dr. berlin, dr. deal, the grad student in austin whose name i have forgotten, i apologize) posts. i would like to engage you on this points now. 1) The key to this literature is to define very carefully the elements of slavery to be compared. certainly. i want to suggest now that we, for a moment, read slavery as a * text* . now, in defining the elements to be compared, we are obliged then to look at other *elements* of that text. i want to suggest here that when we look at the argument of slavery - in all its manifestations, from good to bad to godawful - the one element we must continually (re) define is perspective. that is, we must examine author(ity) and the * right * of that author to define. all i am saying here is that more than one definition of the text exists. we can not privilege the definition given us by one set of * authors * (the captors). we must look as well at the definition given us by other * authors * (the captives). i would argue that any definition of slavery is limited [constrained] when the definition that is privileged has evolved from only one group of * authors * - the captors. 2) The point of all of this, and of our own discussion, is that in sorting through the multiple possibilities and drawing some generalization we learn about slavery's complex history, and how it was made as much by slaves as by the Spanish Crown or its minions. to be sure, the history of my ancestors is * complex *. i agree too that that * complex history * was made as much by the captives as by their captors. we can not suppose that only one *author * has contributed to this text. that is exactly my argument. 3) But how far does that get us in understanding the lives of enslaved people? As students of history, we know that this truth was not always self-evident. perhaps my status as an outsider really shows here. i am not a *student of history * rather a *student of literature / classical rhetoric *. because my ancestors were often not permitted to participate in the grand narrative that we call history, i have discovered that i have to look for their authorship concerning this issue in other places. one such place has been in poetry. another has been in fiction. still another has been in the narratives they left. because the * truth * of the text has not been self-evident, i have had to search for that * truth * in other places. all i am suggesting here is that those *other places * are no less places of authority. 4) Blanchard directs us to Mellon's selection from the WPA slave narratives. These accounts are replete with distinctions between masters made by ex-slaves themselves. While I hope none of us would call a master "good" just because he whipped his slaves only rarely and sometimes gave them enough to eat, I think it would be pretty cynical (as well as just plain wrong) if we let our agreement that all masters were bad lead us to assert that this made no difference to the slaves. It should also remind us that there can be no neat separation between the view of the "captor" and the "captive." and i would argue that there can indeed be a separation, albeit not *neat * between the view of the captor and of the captive. in addition, i have read mellon's text from cover to cover and i have not uncovered an instance of any ex-slave who was interviewed in that text who called their master * good *. okay, i will grant that readers may be pointed to what was a *good master * by the captive's explanation of a difference between one plantation owner and the next - this is a comparison in the negative. i read these descriptions as being along the lines of * one was not as bad as the other * rather than *this one was better than the other *. there is a very real difference in the use of rhetoric here. 5) So our condemnation can only be a starting point, not the end of the discussion, if we want to try to understand the experience of slaves and not just our own feelings. agreed. however, i would argue too, that *our own feelings * - that is our sense of outrage is as justifiable as is our condemnation. both have to be starting points. i would argue too that we may never *understand the experience * of slaves - and for that i am grateful - what we may be able to do is to understand how the complex history of slavery (the slavery text) was written and re-written. 6) The only people who can really say if slavery was "better" or "worse" in one place or another were the slaves who lived in different slave societies -- i absolutely agree. i do not want to suggest that we totally eliminate one perspective, just that we bring along the other - and use the two - the perspective of both captor and captive - as pillars to anchor our discussion on this peculiar institution. open to further discussion on this * text * . Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 13:33:57 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "K. Russell Lohse" Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Tannenbaum's generalizations do not hold up against the examination of historical case studies. They survive in part because of U.S. scholars' lack of familiarity with Latin American history. Differences between slavery in North America and Latin America cannot be explained by reference to Tannenbaum's propositions. Homick has provided no fresh evidence to salvage them.=20 I don't doubt that Homick and Tannenbaum, from whom virtually all his assertions are drawn, are correct that "there's a clear cut difference that Spanish law made in [some] slaves' lives." I will insist, however, that at this late date we can do much better than cite Humboldt's observations in evaluating Cuban slavery and Latin American slavery in general (Humboldt travelled in Latin America at the turn of the nineteenth century, not ca. 1860 -- this is important for reasons made clear below; on this methodological problem more generally, see Robert J. Cottrol, "Comparative Slave Studies: Urban Slavery as a Model, Travelers' Accounts as a Source -- Bibliographic Essay." Journal of Black Studies 8, no. 1 (1977): 3-12). Coartaci=F3n has often been cited as evidence of the favored position of= Cuban slaves. Homick admits that this "right" applied more to urban, creole slaves than rural, African slaves -- certainly the vast majority of Cuba's enslaved population in the mid-nineteenth century. A slave's ability to exercise his/her legal rights always depended on awareness, access to courts, lawyers, notaries, securing a willing free person to advance a slave's legal claims, etc., so immediately we have reason to doubt that coartaci=F3n "held out the promise of eventual freedom to Cuban slaves generally." Unlike most Cuban slaves (rural, African-born, sugar cane workers), most of those who benefited from coartaci=F3n were= Spanish-speaking, urban, mulato skilled workers or domestic servants. They were also disproportionately female in a society where 2/3 of the enslaved population was male. =20 The relatively rosy picture of Cuban slavery in Herbert S. Klein's Slavery in the Americas (1967) took most of its evidence from Havana, before the nineteenth-century revolution in sugar production transformed Cuban social relations (almost immediately Franklin W. Knight criticized Klein on this point in Slave Society in Cuba. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1970). It is clear that any ameliorative aspects of Cuban slave law precipitously declined with the rise of the sugar economy as the planter class successfully subordinated the Cuban colonial state to its interests (the best work on this is Manuel Moreno Fraginals, El ingenio: Complejo econ=F3mico social cubano del az=FAcar. 3 vols. Havana: Editorial de= Ciencias Sociales, 1976; available in an abridged English edition as The Sugarmill: The Socioeconomic Complex of Sugar in Cuba, 1760-1860. Trans. Cedric Belfrage. New York: Monthly Review Press, 1976). =20 At the height of its "effectiveness," coartaci=F3n can have affected no more than 1% of Cuba's slave population -- how real that slim promise seemed to enslaved people is certainly open to debate. And by the 1840s, coartaci=F3n was all but a dead letter in Cuba (Rafael Duharte Jim=E9nez, "La extinci=F3n= de los mecanismos de manumisi=F3n y coartaci=F3n en el siglo XIX." In Seis= ensayos de interpretaci=F3n hist=F3rica, 78-82. Santiago de Cuba: Editorial Oriente, 1983). In 1846, for example, only 1.5 slaves per 1,000 were manumitted; in 1861, 4.4 per 1,000 (Robert L. Paquette, Sugar Is Made with Blood: The Conspiracy of La Escalera and the Conflict between Empires over Slavery in Cuba. Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988, p. 64).=20 Clearly then, Homick's assertion that Cuba's large population of free people of color was due to manumission, familiar from Tannenbaum, is mistaken. Like everywhere else in the Americas, the growth of the free population of color was due to the rapid natural reproduction of this group, not to manumission (Kenneth F. Kiple, Blacks in Colonial Cuba 1774-1899. Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1976). Many free people of color defined their identity in contradistinction to slaves, owning slaves themselves, hunting fugitives as members of the royal militias, etc., so it is possible to see them as a force stabilizing rather than undermining the slave regime (Gwendolyn Midlo Hall made this point forcefully in Social Control in Slave Plantation Societies: A Comparison of St. Domingue and Cuba. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1971, cited by Homick; see also Pedro Deschamps Chapeaux, Los batallones de pardos y morenos libres. Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1976; Rafael Duharte Jim=E9nez,= El negro en la sociedad colonial. Santiago de Cuba: Editorial Oriente, 1988). Furthermore, free people of color themselves faced increasing curtailments of their legal rights as well as their intermediate social and economic position throughout the nineteenth century, first with the rise of king sugar and especially after the 1844 La Escalera conspiracy, similar to the erosion of the rights and privileges experienced by Saint-Domingue's free population of color in the preceding century (Pedro Deschamps Chapeaux, El negro en la econom=EDa habanera del siglo XIX. Havana: Instituto Cubano del Libro, 1971; Verena Mart=EDnez-Alier, Marriage, Class and Colour in Nineteenth-Century Cuba: A Study of Racial Attitudes and Sexual Values in a Slave Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974; and especially Paquette, Sugar Is Made with Blood). =20 The myth that slavery was abolished peacefully everywhere in Spanish America (excepting Cuba, as Homick reminds us) has been especially tenacious. If it is conceded that "the road to abolition was exceedingly rugged, punctuated by social unrest and strife," the U.S. is still held to be unique in that slavery "divided the body politic into armed opposing camps, at daggers drawn and prepared to fight to death." In Gran Colombia, for example, true, the abolition of slavery was accepted in principle by republican governments as early as the 1821 Congress of C=FAcuta (still, the future of slavery was much at issue in the wars of independence; see Brian R. Hamnett, "Popular Insurrection and Royalist Reaction: Colombian Regions, 1810-1823." In Reform and Insurrection in Bourbon New Granada and Peru, by John R. Fisher, Allan J. Kuethe and Anthony McFarlane. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990; Hermes Tovar Pinz=F3n, De una chispa se forma una hoguera: Esclavitud, insubordinaci=F3n y liberaci=F3n. Tunja: Universidad Pedag=F3gica y= Tecnol=F3gica de Colombia, 1992). But independent Colombian governments, like those in the U.S., repeatedly subordinated the liberation of the slaves to the protection of slaveholder property in human beings; emancipation and the supposedly sacred juridical "moral personality of the slave" came up again and again as legislative issues in the 1820s, 1830s, '40s and '50s (Antonio Jos=E9 Galvis Noyes, "La abolici=F3n de la esclavitud en la Nueva Granada, 1820-1832." Bolet=EDn de Historia y Antig=FCedades (Bogot=E1) 67, no. 730= (July-September 1980): 469-572; Margarita Gonz=E1lez, "El proceso de manumisi=F3n en= Colombia." In Ensayos de historia colonial colombiana, 162-296. 2d ed. Bogot=E1: El Ancora, 1984). In the civil wars of the first half of the nineteenth century, slaves persistently put their emancipation on the order of the day, for example in the 1839-1842 "War of the Supremos" or "War of the Convents" centered around Jos=E9 Mar=EDa Obando's armies of free men of color and= slaves in the southern provinces. Traditional historiography has portrayed this Liberal rebellion, which certainly threatened the central state, as largely directed against the Conservative "feudal," religious slaveholders of the south, but downplayed the implications of the conflict for the future of Colombian slavery. Contemporary Conservatives were not so sanguine, executing thousands of slaves and enacting a flurry of repressive slave legislation in the aftermath of its defeat. One can still object that slavery was not the central issue in the War of the Supremos; such a claim is more difficult in the 1851 Conservative rebellion, when slaveholders rose up when faced with the imminent abolition of their peculiar institution. The infamous Julio Arboleda, a sort of Colombian George Fitzhugh, John C. Calhoun, and Nathan Bedford Forrest roled into one, known for his savagely racist epic poetry, brutal mistreatment of his hundreds of slaves, articulate ideological defense of the Conservative "way of life," and war of extermination against blacks, captained these forces; their uprising responded directly to, and their defeat was certainly necessary for, Liberal plans for abolition in 1852 (Jorge Castellanos, La abolici=F3n de la esclavitud en Popay=E1n, 1832-1852. Cali, Colombia: Universidad del Valle, 1980). As enacted in 1852, Colombian abolition provided for the financial compensation of former slaveholders and the continued bound labor of the ex-slaves to landowners as concertados ("apprentices"), suggesting it was regarded somewhat more seriously than a mere "formality." Is Colombia another exception? Perhaps, but when we add it to Brazil and Cuba, we have eliminated the largest slave societies in Latin America. ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 21:17:36 +0200 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Daniel Goodey Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit ----- Original Message ----- From: c To: Sent: 26 October 1999 16:26 Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese > 4) . . . i will grant that readers may be pointed to what > was a *good master * by the captive's explanation of a difference between > one plantation owner and the next - this is a comparison in the negative. > i read these descriptions as being along the lines of * one was not as > bad as the other * rather than *this one was better than the other *. > there is a very real difference in the use of rhetoric here. Hello, Just one comment in regards to the topic outlined in the previous message above. I recently finished the autobiographical narrative of Harriet A. Jacobs (aka Linda Brent), titled *Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl: Written by Herself* (Harvard University Press, 1987), wherein she does in fact give a number of valuative judgements as to the 'goodness' or 'badness' of individuals. On a number of occasions she remarks that this or that particular mistress was good or bad, and that the only fault they had was having been thrown into a system (i.e., chattel slavery) not necessarily of their choosing. I am not implying that she accepted or condoned in any way these women's role as participants in that system, but she did acknowledge a certain innate goodness in some slave owners - particularly in the case of the woman slave owner who hid Jacobs in her own home while Jacobs was a runaway slave. Jacobs also makes an interesting comparison between the chattel slavery found in the U.S. and the slavery of indentured servitude found in Ireland at the same period. Although she clearly sides with preferring to have been an Irish slave over a person of colour in the U.S., there are still many parallels between the two which she would not readily dismiss. Regards, Daniel Daniel J. Goodey (Doctorandus) Hoger Instituut voor Wijsbegeerte Katholieke Universiteit Leuven ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 16:09:18 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese Comments: To: Daniel Goodey In-Reply-To: <001901bf1fe6$c3d33080$03000004@kotnet.kuleuven.ac.be> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII i want to suggest that you reread jacobs narrative. the attic in which she hid was that of her grandmothers. jacobs' grandmother had been manumitted and had her own property. jacobs, upon leaving the plantation where she was slave, hid in her grandmothers property (attic) for several years. Mary Loving Blanchard "To examine Black women's Doctoral Candidate literature effectively requires A Poetics of the Black American that we be seen as whole people Woman's Literature, 1773-Present in our actual complexities- as The University of Texas at Dallas individuals, as women, as human - School of Arts and Humanities rather than as one of those 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 problematic but familiar nia@utdallas.edu stereotypes provided in this society in place of genuine images of Black women." - Audre Lorde, "Age, Race, Class and Sex" ========================================================================= Date: Tue, 26 Oct 1999 17:54:26 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "Trevor Burnard, University of Canterbury, NZ" Subject: Steven Mintz's comments I have found much of the discussion in this slavery forum very interesting. There are two postings in particular that I would like to comment on, from the perspective of an early Americanist who studies that part of early America - the British West Indies - that did not join the thirteen colonies in rebellion in 1776: those of Steveen Mintz and Shane White. First, Mintz. What interests me about the effect of American Revolution on slavery is how the artificial spearation of the West Indies from British North America after 1776 greatly reduced the importance of slavery in both regions. In 1780, between 45 and 50% of all slaves in the British Empire in the Americas were in the West Indies.The total slave population of the British Empire in the Americas was over 1 million, or nearly one third of the total population. Dividing the two regions within British America into separate polities meant that the new USA had approximately 600,000 slaves, amounting to just 15% or thereabouts of the total population. Slavery therefore became necessarily less important in the new nation as a result and slaveowners proportionately less powerful. Just imagine the differences for the new nation if some or all of the West Indian islands had joined the thirteen colonies - the Constitutional amendments on slavery might have been more in slaveowners' favour, for example. Certainly, South Carolina planters would not have been so peculiar and so out of step with American thinking in the nineteenth century if they had the support of similarly ideologically proslavery slaveholders in Jamaica and Barbados to bolster their arguments. People looking at just British North America see South Carolina, in particular, as extreme in its devotion to slavery. If lowccountry South Carolina is thought of, as I think it should be, as more connected in the colonial period to the West Indiees, expecially Barbados, then South Carolina seems more central and less peculiar than often thought. I am not in favour of counterfactuals but I think it sobering to think of this particular counterfactual in regard to slavery in the US. Slavery as we all know was immensely difficult to destroy in America, especially, as Steven Mintz rightly points out, after the dramatic strengthening of slaveholders' position in the South and in America as a result of the Revolution. How much more difficult would it have been to stamp out slavery if the enormously wealthy planters of the West Indies with their huge slave forces had been included within an American polity?If the British West Indies had joined in the Revolution, it is likely that the Atlantic slave trade would have continued, slaves woould have made up a much larger percentage of the American population than they did in the nineteenth century and the USA would have been much more clearly a slaveholders' republic. The result of the Revolution was also very important for the future of slavery in the West Indies. Abolition might have been more difficult if the small number of whites in the West Indies had the support of a much larger number of slaveholders in the Lower South and Chesapeake. Nevertheless, I believe that the combined strength of all slaveholders in British America (presuming that the Revolution had not occurreed)would have been insufficient to stop the tide of abolitionism that swept Britain in the late eighteeenth centurry. Abolition might have come later than it did in the British Empire if the Revolution had not occurred but it almost certainly would have come before 1865 and possibly without the degree of bloodshed that the Civil War entailed. From the perspective of enslaved Africans, the Revolution was a disaster, delaying freedom for at least a generation for those unfortunate enough to have been shipped to British North America. Consider this: an African boy shipped tto St Domingue in 1787 would have been free within a few years; an African shipped in the same year to Jamaica would have been freed when an old man in his sixties; an African shipped to South Carolina in 1787 would have died a slave and even his children would be elderly when freedom eventually came. Slaves in America, of course, had no way of predicting the future and undoubtedly acted in the revolution to further short term interests. But they were quite right to side with the British rather than with the Patriots. The British were much more likely to free them than the Americans. Conversely, the West Indians made a huge mistake in retrospect in not joining in the revolution. If they had become Americans, the instution of slavery may have also been strengthened in their socieeties as it was in North America after 1790. Shane White's comments are very interesting. I think I agree with him that it is too narrow to see slaves as workers only and agree with him about the "messiness" of slave experiences. My feeling after long exposure to two remarkable set of records about slaves in the eighteenth and nineteenth century West Indies is that the experience of slavery as lived is much more complicated than we have ever supposed. In the West Indies, there was a degree of unvarnished brutality that left most slaves traumatised and brutalised and which reduced many to psychological baskeet cases. Yet there was also a surprising degree of freedom for slaves (most of whom I suspect did not see themselves as slaves but rather as negroes, as their owwners consistenttly termed them, or Africans) - the extent to which slaves can be fitted into the concept of slavery still seems to be me unclear. Slaves wander around, trade on their own accounts, pick fights, engage in the full range of human activities etc and only occasionally run up against planter power (I agree with Shane - I think he lifts the phrase from me, actually - that planters could not organize a Sunday School picnic, though I might use a more graphic phrase than that). How can we understand for example a dispute between a slave and his master where a master complained that the slave had used the masters' beedroom for an assignation with a female lover and where the slave claimed that he had done nothing wrong? I come across stories like that all the time in the Caribbean. The more we delve into slavery, not only the more negotiation (to use Ira Berlin's phrase) we see but the more messy personal stuff we see. I think that there is a lot more life in slavery studies yet, especially as we dig deeper into the actual interactions between slaves with other slaves and with planters. What bothers me, however, is whether our existing paradigms, especially our tendency to see all slavery in terms of resistance, actually capture the "messiness" and ambivalencce of slavery. Anyway, a few thoughts, badly typed and poorly expressed. Trevor Burnard ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 27 Oct 1999 03:46:46 GMT Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: bakari stamps Subject: Re: David Walker's Appeal Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed thanks for the extra sources. i'll check into to this asap. -bakari >From: Stephen Whitman >Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY >To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU >Subject: Re: David Walker's Appeal >Date: Mon, 25 Oct 1999 11:02:24 -0400 > > To supplement Ms. Blanchard's sources for the __Appeal__ itself, >people interested in David Walker should look for a new biography on him, >Peter Hinks's __To Awaken My Afflicted Brethren: David Walker and the >Problem of Antebellum Slave Resistance__, pub. in 1997 by Penn State >Press, and available in paperback. Hinks has an extended analysis of the >Appeal that is well worth reading. > > Steve Whitman, Mt. St. Mary's College, Emmitsburg, MD ______________________________________________________ Get Your Private, Free Email at http://www.hotmail.com ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 27 Oct 1999 07:47:11 +0200 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Daniel Goodey Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Dear Ms. Blanchard, I recognise that originally she did hide in her grandmothers attic. But after about six years in the attic she feared she had been seen taking exercise in the storeroom under the attic opening by another slave who was known to try to gain favour with the whites by informing on other slaves. Because she feared she had been seen, and out of concern that her grandmother would be punished if she was found there, she left her grandmother's attic and hid outside in the surrounding area. The woman slave owner (with whom Jacobs found temporary sanctuary) was an older woman who had been a friend of Jacobs' mother and was a friend of her grandmother's. The grandmother told this woman in confidence about her granddaughter and the woman offered to take her in - at great danger to herself, according to Jacobs; especially since the man Jacobs had run away from visited the house in which she was hiding to borrow money to go to New York to find her. Jacobs availed of this woman's hospitality for three or four months, until it became too dangerous to stay any longer. Then she fled with the assistance of an old friend and an uncle of hers. Her escape from North Carolina continues through a number of other episodes until she finally gets to the North, only to continue to be hunted . . .. Therefore, I would suggest that you might also reread it for its content and in light of the discussion about evaluations of 'good' and 'bad' slave owners. Jacobs does make a number of such evaluations. All the best, Daniel Daniel J. Goodey (Doctorandus) Hoger Instituut voor Wijsbegeerte Katholieke Universiteit Leuven ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 27 Oct 1999 11:19:44 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: tweis Subject: Re: AiA and online teaching resources Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="ISO-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Dear Ellen and others who have posted on the subject of using the PBS documentary and website "Africans in America" I have been closely following the forum discussion and have been using various postings as starting points in my class discussions, but I am a bit of a latecomer to this particular thread. I have used the video and site in a number of ways in both graduate and undergraduate classes, though I have relied more on the site than the video. For undergraduate classes, I have used it in much the same way as a number of folks who have already responded: as a supplement to other course resources, particularly printed texts. For example, students in my undergraduate class in African American history read an article on the settlement of a group of manumitted Africans in Lancaster County, PA. That article, as well as the introductory chapters of Jim and Lois=92s Horton=92s In Hope of Liberty, referred to the American Colonization Society. After we had discussed these readings in a seminar-style class on Tuesday, I directed the students to two sites for Thursday=92s electronic fieldwork: [I have taken the liberty of pasting in details of how we actually used the site, in the hope that such specificity would be useful. If not, please forgive the length of this posting.] Africans in America, Part 3, American Colonization Society: a Memorial to the United States Congress http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part3/3h483.html Read the brief introduction and then click on "click here for the text of this historical document" to read the document. o Select one sentence that most clearly expresses the purpose of the ACS o Select one sentence that confuses you or raises questions for you. Outline a brief annotation for this text. Divide responsibilities for surveying and summarizing the "Related Entries." What do the resources of this electronic collection (a companion to the PBS video series "Africans in America") contribute to your understanding of: o the role of the colonization movement in the settlement of free Black communities in the Northern states o the significance of African-American religion/African-American churches in the formation of free Black communities in the Northern states The African-American Mosaic: A Library of Congress Resource Guide for the Study of Black History and Culture http://lcweb.loc.gov/exhibits/african/intro.html Click on and read "Introductory Text for this Exhibit." Click on "Next Section of the African-American Mosaic" which will take you to the section on COLONIZATION. This on-line exhibit is divided into two subsections: o Liberia o Personal Stories and ACS Directions. Divide responsibilities among the group for surveying and assessing the two subsections. Address the following questions as you interactively "read" the on-line exhibit: o What information in this exhibit confirms, challenges, and/or extends the information presented in "Black Eldorado"[the article on formation of a free black community in Columbia, PA]? o What questions about colonization does this exhibit answer and what questions does it raise? I also used the AiA site in conjunction with Gwen Hall=92s book in a graduate class on the history of slavery. After a few forays into the site, the students concluded that the site/series may well be renamed "Africans in *British* America. We used the basic organization of the site-- 1) People and Events, and 2) Historical Documents, and 3) Modern Voices=97as a template for drafting recommendations for incorporating Hall=92s scholarship. Students summarized various chapters of Hall=92s book, using keywords to identify significant people and events, using the text and footnotes to identify relevant primary sources, and using the notes and bibliography to identify pertinent scholars. Using "Africans in America" materials in juxtaposition with other print and electronic sources, I have been able to use in numerous ways to encourage student to "compare and contrast" different levels of analysis=97the determination of *historically significant *people and events, the selection of *important* primary sources, the relevance of classic and recent scholarship. Tracey Weis Department of History Millersville University P.O. Box 1002 Millersville, PA 17551 Voicemail: (717)871-2025 Fax: (717) 871-2485 Email: Tracey.Weis@millersv.edu ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 27 Oct 1999 12:17:46 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Ellen Noonan Subject: Re: AiA and online teaching resources Mime-version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset="ISO-8859-1" Content-transfer-encoding: quoted-printable Dear Tracey, Thank you for your terrific and detailed post--that's very helpful for me i= n thinking about how to teach the subject of slavery. I was struck by your comment that students observed that the "Africans in America" series and website could be renamed "Africans in British America" in light of the discussion this forum has been having about slavery under the Spanish and Portugese. As I've followed this rich discussion, I wonder how people can teach this important comparative topic within the confines of how high school and college curriculum is structured, ie, U.S. history courses as separate from global studies or Latin American history courses. Does anyon= e out there have any experience or strategies about this? Ellen ******************************* Ellen Noonan American Social History Project (212) 966-4248 ext. 247 ******************************* ---------- >From: tweis >To: SLAVERYFORUM@ASHP.LISTSERV.CUNY.EDU >Subject: Re: AiA and online teaching resources >Date: Wed, Oct 27, 1999, 10:19 AM > >Dear Ellen and others who have posted on the subject of using the PBS >documentary and website "Africans in America" > >I have been closely following the forum discussion and have been using var= ious >postings as starting points in my class discussions, but I am a bit of a >latecomer to this particular thread. > >I have used the video and site in a number of ways in both graduate and >undergraduate classes, though I have relied more on the site than the vide= o. >For undergraduate classes, I have used it in much the same way as a number= of >folks who have already responded: as a supplement to other course resource= s, >particularly printed texts. > >For example, students in my undergraduate class in African American histor= y >read an article on the settlement of a group of manumitted Africans in >Lancaster County, PA. That article, as well as the introductory chapters o= f >Jim and Lois=92s Horton=92s In Hope of Liberty, referred to the American >Colonization Society. After we had discussed these readings in a seminar-s= tyle >class on Tuesday, I directed the students to two sites for Thursday=92s >electronic fieldwork: > >[I have taken the liberty of pasting in details of how we actually used th= e >site, in the hope that such specificity would be useful. If not, please >forgive the length of this posting.] > >Africans in America, Part 3, American Colonization Society: a Memorial to = the >United States Congress > >http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/aia/part3/3h483.html > >Read the brief introduction and then click on "click here for the text of = this >historical document" to read the document. > > o Select one sentence that most clearly expresses the purpose of th= e >ACS > > o Select one sentence that confuses you or raises questions for you= . > >Outline a brief annotation for this text. > >Divide responsibilities for surveying and summarizing the "Related Entries= ." > >What do the resources of this electronic collection (a companion to the PB= S >video series "Africans in America") contribute to your understanding of: > > o the role of the colonization movement in the settlement of free B= lack >communities in the Northern states > > o the significance of African-American religion/African-American >churches in the formation of free Black communities in the Northern states > >The African-American Mosaic: A Library of Congress Resource Guide for the >Study of Black History and Culture > > http://lcweb.loc.gov/exhibits/african/intro.html > >Click on and read "Introductory Text for this Exhibit." > >Click on "Next Section of the African-American Mosaic" which will take you= to >the section on > COLONIZATION. This on-line exhibit is divided into two subsections: > > o Liberia > > o Personal Stories and ACS Directions. > >Divide responsibilities among the group for surveying and assessing the tw= o >subsections. Address the following questions as you interactively "read" t= he >on-line exhibit: > > o What information in this exhibit confirms, challenges, and/or ext= ends >the information presented in "Black Eldorado"[the article on formation of = a >free black community in Columbia, PA]? > > o What questions about colonization does this exhibit answer and wh= at >questions does it raise? > >I also used the AiA site in conjunction with Gwen Hall=92s book in a graduat= e >class on the history of slavery. After a few forays into the site, the >students concluded that the site/series may well be renamed "Africans in >*British* America. We used the basic organization of the site-- 1) People = and >Events, and 2) Historical Documents, and 3) Modern Voices=97as a template fo= r >drafting recommendations for incorporating Hall=92s scholarship. Students >summarized various chapters of Hall=92s book, using keywords to identify >significant people and events, using the text and footnotes to identify >relevant primary sources, and using the notes and bibliography to identify >pertinent scholars. > >Using "Africans in America" materials in juxtaposition with other print an= d >electronic sources, I have been able to use in numerous ways to encourage >student to "compare and contrast" different levels of analysis=97the >determination of *historically significant *people and events, the selecti= on >of *important* primary sources, the relevance of classic and recent >scholarship. > >Tracey Weis >Department of History >Millersville University >P.O. Box 1002 >Millersville, PA 17551 >Voicemail: (717)871-2025 >Fax: (717) 871-2485 >Email: Tracey.Weis@millersv.edu ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 27 Oct 1999 15:43:13 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese In-Reply-To: <001201bf203e$bea7ea80$03000004@kotnet.kuleuven.ac.be> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII i will reply in the in between Mary Loving Blanchard "I's educated, but I ain't Doctoral Candidate educated in de books. I's A Poetics of the Black American educated by de licks an' bumps Woman's Literature, 1773-Present I got." - Susan Snow, WPA - The University of Texas at Dallas Federal Writer's Project School of Arts and Humanities 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 nia@utdallas.edu On Wed, 27 Oct 1999, Daniel Goodey wrote: > Dear Ms. Blanchard, > > I recognise that originally she did hide in her grandmothers attic. But > after about six years in the attic she feared she had been seen taking > exercise in the storeroom under the attic opening by another slave who was > known to try to gain favour with the whites by informing on other slaves. > Because she feared she had been seen, and out of concern that her > grandmother would be punished if she was found there, she left her > grandmother's attic and hid outside in the surrounding area. The woman > slave owner (with whom Jacobs found temporary sanctuary) was an older woman > who had been a friend of Jacobs' mother and was a friend of her > grandmother's. The grandmother told this woman in confidence about her > granddaughter and the woman offered to take her in - at great danger to > herself, according to Jacobs; especially since the man Jacobs had run away > from visited the house in which she was hiding to borrow money to go to New > York to find her. Jacobs availed of this woman's hospitality for three or > four months, until it became too dangerous to stay any longer. Then she > fled with the assistance of an old friend and an uncle of hers. Her escape > from North Carolina continues through a number of other episodes until she > finally gets to the North, only to continue to be hunted . . .. certainly you have reminded me of Miss Fanny, the great aunt (if memory serves) of jacobs' dr. flint. miss fanny was the woman who purchased jacobs' grandmother and then gave her (the grandmother) her freedom after dr. flint inherited the grandmother - whose freedom had been promised her at the death of her old master - but which promise flint intended to break. i became confused because you mentioned jacobs being discovered during exericise and i did not recall the woman's intervention in that manner. in specific i point you to the chapter "scenes at the plantation" in which jacobs does indeed describe miss fanny as "endeared to me by many recollections." jacobs also descrbes herself as being "rejoiced to see her at the plantation." so certainly miss fanny was a *good* woman, whether or not she was a slaveowner is open for discussion. now, i thought we had moved on from this argument. should it make you feel better for me to say it then i shall: some slaveowners were good people, basically. they were caught up in a system (in particular, i would argue, were white women of the period so caught up)that compelled some of them to participate in a horrible activity. we could take this argument on and on and perhaps we would find ourselves involved in a discussion regarding whether white women were power brokers (in a traditional, slave -owner sense) in the antebellum period. i would argue that certainly some white women had some levels of power. to be sure, miss fanny did. it can be argued that even jacobs grandmother had some level of powr - heck, she spoke her mind to dr. flint. but then i would be compelled to remind you that neither miss fanny nor jacobs granny owned slaves. Therefore, > I would suggest that you might also reread it for its content and in light > of the discussion about evaluations of 'good' and 'bad' slave owners. > Jacobs does make a number of such evaluations. > it may be that time and distance have disabused me of some of my memory of jacobs' text. that is certainly possible. perhaps though we might enter into a (re) reading for content together. peace. > All the best, > > Daniel > > > Daniel J. Goodey (Doctorandus) > Hoger Instituut voor Wijsbegeerte > Katholieke Universiteit Leuven > ========================================================================= Date: Wed, 27 Oct 1999 23:52:40 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY Comments: SoVerNet Verification (on garnet.sover.net) svjcbiti from arc1a58.burl.sover.net [207.136.201.186] 207.136.201.186 Wed, 27 Oct 1999 23:46:30 -0400 (EDT) From: Stephen Homick Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese In-Reply-To: <1.5.4.32.19991026183357.006604c8@mail.utexas.edu> MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-type: text/plain; charset=ISO-8859-1 Content-transfer-encoding: Quoted-printable -----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE----- Hash: SHA1 El 26 Oct 99, a las 13:33, K. = Russell Lohse scripsit: > Tannenbaum'= s generalizations do not hold up against the examination of > historical ca= se studies. They survive in part because of U.S. scholars' > lack of famil= iarity with Latin American history. Differences between > slavery in North= America and Latin America cannot be explained by reference > to Tannenbaum= 's propositions. Homick has provided no fresh evidence to > salvage them. Fo= r fear of grinding out a screed, which I came too damned close to doing in= my last, I'll endeavor to keep this reply reasonably short and to the poi= nt. Tannenbaum's apologist I ain't; he certainly doesn't need one. His con= tribution to the history of American slavery is distinguished and substant= ial, as Berlin has pointed out. Serious students of it must come to grips = with the thesis Tannenbaum laid down that the master's attitude towards ma= numission is the key element which determines the nature of slavery, if on= ly to dispute its validity. Regarding that facet of Cuban slave law known a= s coartaci=F3n, I'm not that interested in quantitative measures of its ap= plication. I brought it up solely to underscore another difference betwee= n Anglo- and Ibero-American slave systems. It's quite reasonable to expect= that this law would never have been applied widely, and that the frequenc= y of its use would vary with the availability of slaves, inter alia. Likew= ise, it must also be borne in mind that coartaci=F3n was not a guarantee o= f emancipation, but rather a guarantee of the price fixed for a slave's pu= rchase of his or her freedom. For these reasons, I deliberately fought sh= y of attributing the development of Cuba's free-colored population solely = to coartaci=F3n; on the contrary, my comment made no more than vague, impr= ecise note of the impact it surely must have had on the rise in the number= of these people. Nonetheless, Mr. Lohse has seen fit (once again) to put w= ords in my mouth, and claim I assert that Cuba's robust numbers of free- co= loreds was "due to *manumission* (my emphasis)." I never said anything of = the sort, as will be plain to anyone who troubles to read my posting caref= ully. Interestingly, the ciphers he musters to lay bare the full extent o= f my supposed error, lend some credence to what I said about the impact of= coartaci=F3n on the growth of the free-colored population; an infinitesim= al impact, to be sure, but an impact all the same. And in an apparent furt= her demonstration of his singular reading comprehension skills, Mr. Lohse = next takes me task for misstating the date of Baron Humboldt's visit to Cu= ba, pointing out parenthetically that he toured the island at the turn of = the C19, not 1860, as I erroneously report. You'll pardon my impertinence= and irritation, Mr. Lohse: But I clearly stated that Humboldt visited Cub= a in "the early 1800s"; the later date is my guess at when the American ed= ition of his study of Cuba was published. Unhappily, the 3x5 on which I re= corded the citation from it hasn't weathered the passage of time very well= , and most of its have been smudged or blurred to the point of being nearl= y illegible, save the place of publication and the numbers "1, 8, 6." Tha= t's why I tacked on to the date a question mark and fenced the citation in= between parentheses. I can certainly be faulted for being a lousy record = keeper, but not for claiming that Humboldt went to Cuba in 1860. Now, that = said, I'd like to wrap up with a few comments on my claim that abolition i= n the South American republics was a formality, a legislative detail, when= compared to the U.S., and Mr. Lohse's objections to it. In the first plac= e, none of the tin- pot tyrant eruptions he brings forth to buttress his c= ase, and for that matter none of the many such episodes that sprouted up l= ike mushrooms after a rainfall across the landscape of early- republican So= uth America, was egged on mainly or exclusively by the issue of slavery. W= hat's more, the question of abolition did not occasion the bloodiest war i= n the the history of any Ibero- American republic, but was the cause of the= bloodiest war in U.S. history. For that reason, I say abolition in South= America was a comparative formality, a legislative detail that could be a= ddressed and resolved without putting in dire jeopardy a nation's very exi= stence. Nearly the diametrical opposite turned out to be the case in the = U.S. There are reasons for these different outcomes, and I believe that on= e worthy of consideration turns precisely on that tenuous but legitimate c= ivil status that colonial Spanish law accorded slaves, and has little or n= othing to do with the comparative quality of slaves' lives in Iberian Amer= ica. On the on hand it furnished bondsmen a narrow yet legal path to freed= om, over which a certain number of them continually passed during the almo= st four centuries of Spain's dominion in America. Hence freed slaves were = in this way assimilated to the colonial pigmentocracy on a regular basis. = Though they resented it, "whites" of the upper strata nonetheless became = accustomed, albeit grudgingly, to the phenomenon in the fullness of time. = Once independence broke the hammer lock of Spanish tutelage, these people = inherited for better or worse the reins of power and became the political = class of their respective nations. But since they had become used to the = continual legal emancipation of slaves, I would argue that abolition of sl= avery was a pill not terribly difficult for them to swallow, provided it w= ere sweetened and lubricated by monetary inducements. In the Sunny South, h= owever, an exclusionist slave law obtained that accorded African bondsmen = no rights at all. Whatever consideration, privileges and the like they mi= ght be able wangle from their masters were limited, transient and of no le= gal standing, period. So effectively had Southern slave law excluded Afric= an slaves from the mainstream of American society, that the Supreme Court = could rule with confidence that, even if freed, they couldn't become citiz= ens, and that they "had no rights which the white man was bound to respect= ." In this hostile, recalcitrant atmosphere, small wonder that abolition b= ecame a life-and-death struggle. On the other hand, the very fact that posi= tive slave law had been decreed by the Spanish crown made it possible for = the republics that succeeded it in South America to abolish slavery withou= t a lot of bitter, intestine strife. Abolitionist elements in their polit= ical classes could make a compelling case that slavery was a benighted ves= tige of the Old Regime, a useless carry-over from the dark ages of colonia= l tutelage that was contra nature and reason, stripped the individual of h= is dignity, trampled his god-given natural rights, and stood in the way of= progress generally. And that's exactly what they did; even the most die-= hard slavists eventually were swayed by their arguments. For these reason= s I believe that, to a greater or lesser degree, abolition became a legisl= ative formality in the South American republics, and was accomplished in t= he majority of them within three or so decades following independence. But = in the U.S. slave laws weren't imposed by the superior metropolitan author= ity, but rather sprouted up sui generis from within. Still more important= , in the wake of independence those laws were given implicit sanction by t= he Federal Constitution and consequently woven into the body politic. It = would be, therefore, a farcical flight of fancy to claim that slavery was = the fetid, decomposing flesh of the British colonial regime, for it was in= deed the living tissue and sinew of the new American regime. That abolitio= n in the U.S. became a protracted, sanguinary ordeal is most understandabl= e, in view of how slave law developed here. And that's what sets the U.S.= apart from South America as regards the destruction of slavery in the New= World. Homick Champlain College "The soul is dyed the color of its thoughts.= Think only on those things that are in line with your principles and can = bear the full light of day. The content of your character is your choice. = Day by day, what you choose, what you think, and what you do is who you be= come. Your integrity is your destiny--it is the light that guides your way= ." - --Heraclitus -----BEGIN PGP SIGNATURE----- Version: PGP 6.0.2 -- QDPGP = 2.50 Comment: http://community.wow.net/grt/qdpgp.html iQA/AwUBOBfIh7BKDh9GY= nshEQId2QCg/PrKM8n+i3o+JP+Wz+TCJ3itIOoAoLid ieR99CUSu/hCFUbXiequEXFY =3DuT1T = -----END PGP SIGNATURE----- ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 28 Oct 1999 09:43:00 +0200 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Loni Bramson-Lerche Subject: Query Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="us-ascii" Sorry for once again bringing up a point not directly related to the subject of this email discussion list. Could someone send me offlist a bibliography of academic work on the African slave trade to current day India, China, Indonesia, and Japan? Thank you, Loni Bramson ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 28 Oct 1999 15:25:13 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Ira Berlin Subject: Slavery and Revolution Comments: To: Pennee Bender MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; CHARSET=US-ASCII Folks: We seem to have several conversations going at once, which is great. Some of them seem to have a momentum of their own which I don't want to disturb. However allow me to say a bit about slavery and the American Revolution, in hopes of adding to the splendid intervention from downunder. I don't think there is any question that the American Revolution, despite abolition in the North and manumission in the Upper South, strengthened the hand of the slave master. Yet in connecting American nationality tothe doctrine of equality and dividing the nation between free and slave it opened the door to abolition, set its terms, and perhaps even put the process in motion. The Revolution was thus proslavery and antislavery, and any understanding of the transformation of slavery in the period must encompass both. I would be interest in some thoughts on how it does so. ---------------------- Ira Berlin iberlin@deans.umd.edu ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 28 Oct 1999 16:34:57 -0400 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: Michael Furlan Subject: "When I was a boy. . . " In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset=us-ascii Content-Transfer-Encoding: 7bit Here is another version of the "what is so bad about slavery" question that folks keep asking me. A fellow from part of former Yugoslavia tells me that slavery wasn't so bad. "You want to know about trouble let me tell you about my life in a Communist state", he says. >Fleeing slaves were usually been brought back to their masters. >Fleeing East Europeans have been shot on the spot by border guards. > >Also, masters did not kill their slaves vantomly. Communists killed >quite a few people because of their class origin. In response I wrote: And black soldiers were killed in battle, while their less fortunate cousins toiled in the fields. Or consider the even greater numbers of white soldiers killed in the war. Do you think that they ever, even on their death bed thought themselves worse off than a slave? Really, Stonewall Jacksons last words were "please Lord why couldn't I have been born a lucky darky?" >Also, masters did not kill their slaves vantomly. Says you. >Communists killed >quite a few people because of their class origin. Millions. And Millions of black were killed in the long history of slavery. All of which misses the distinction between the two. >As a person who was born and lived in communism I'd never give >communist an easy one. If you want to consider yourself the champion victim in all of human history there is nothing that I can do to change your mind. However, consider your personal situation to that of the average US slave (and they were among the most fortunate we know of) after emancipation. Do you really think that their health, wealth, literacy, life expectancy, social status, voting rights etc. were really better than your peer group? The mere fact that we are even having this conversation is an indication of how much more fortunate you are than the average freedman. ++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++ I'm sure that folks here could have done a lot better. Comments please. Michael L. Furlan moderator news:soc.history.war.us-civil-war newsgroup webpage http://www.geocities.com/BourbonStreet/Delta/7002 Participate in a poll of the readers of soc.history.war.us-civil-war at - http://www.agoron.com/~furlanm ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 28 Oct 1999 20:00:51 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: "When I was a boy. . . " In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII no, i think you did a really great job of refuting the statements your *friend* made. i really like the comment you made, re: *if you want to be the champion victim* because i think it recognizes that there does indeed seem to be a *battle* at times for who will hold the title of champion victim. and i think that's too bad. Mary Loving Blanchard "I simply believe that Doctoral Candidate naming our own experience A Poetics of the Black American is the least we can do." Woman's Literature, 1773-Present - Alice Walker, _In Search The University of Texas at Dallas of our Mothers' Gardens_ School of Arts and Humanities 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 nia@utdallas.edu ========================================================================= Date: Thu, 28 Oct 1999 20:05:56 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: c Subject: Re: Slavery and Revolution In-Reply-To: MIME-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN; charset=US-ASCII The Revolution was thus proslavery and antislavery, and any understanding of the transformation of slavery in the period must encompass both. wow. this statement ranks right up there with other powerful, revolutionary notions i have encountered with regard to defining the complex relationships within and complex history of slavery. i agree with the sentiment of your statement wholeheartedly. will post again when i have thought about it some more. Mary Loving Blanchard "I simply believe that Doctoral Candidate naming our own experience A Poetics of the Black American is the least we can do." Woman's Literature, 1773-Present - Alice Walker, _In Search The University of Texas at Dallas of our Mothers' Gardens_ School of Arts and Humanities 972 883 2019 Jo 4.118 nia@utdallas.edu ========================================================================= Date: Fri, 29 Oct 1999 14:24:58 -0500 Reply-To: FORUM ON SLAVERY Sender: FORUM ON SLAVERY From: "K. Russell Lohse" Subject: Re: Slavery under the Spanish and Portuguese Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" Content-Transfer-Encoding: quoted-printable Without resorting to ad hominem mano a mano or needlessly belaboring points already made in previous postings, I want to respond to Homick's last communication as I recap the arguments, make clear why I think our disagreements are important, and try to address a couple of additional points on the way. I'm afraid I've gotten pretty long-winded in the attempt, so I've listed some conclusions at the end. I continue to refer to Tannenbaum's book, Slave and Citizen (New York: Knopf, 1946, 1948), I repeat, because I think Homick's contentions have yet to go beyond it. Let me be clear at the outset: I mean to challenge that Latin American slavery and abolition were as qualitatively different from U.S. slavery and abolition as Tannenbaum contended. I do not deny that there were differences, but I do argue that those differences cannot be explained by the reasons enumerated by Tannenbaum. I agree with Homick that Frank Tannenbaum's foundational work, as we can all see from this lively exchange, continues decisively to shape the terms in which we discuss comparative slavery. Far from denying that contribution, it was precisely because of Tannenbaum's continuing influence that I sought to identify some contradictions in his argument and to criticize some of the evidence, or lack of evidence, used to support it. =20 My assumption has been that most of the participants of this list are more familiar with U.S. slavery than Latin American, and are more likely to be familiar with Tannenbaum's thesis than with the many objections that have been raised against it. In my view, to let the "Tannenbaum Thesis" go unchallenged would be something like claiming that U. B. Phillips had written the final word on U.S. slavery. Certainly Phillips's "contribution to the history of American slavery is distinguished and substantial," but to accept it as definitive would be an inaccurate reflection of the state of current scholarship, to say the least -- as is refusing to admit criticisms of Tannenbaum. (And to prevent any future misunderstanding -- no, I am not implying that Tannenbaum was a racist, but that some of his basic premises cannot withstand rigorous= scrutiny.) As I understand the question at issue, it has to do with the relationships between Spanish slave legislation and the institution and abolition of slavery in the Spanish colonies and subsequently independent Latin American republics. I insist that any understanding of the "nature of the slave sytem" must take into account the experience of the slaves. If not, we do just what Blanchard warns us against -- we accept only the testimony of the captors and become complicit in silencing the captives. (For my part, I am much more interested in the experiences of the latter. To clarify: My point in saying that there can be no "neat separation" between the two was not to imply that the interests of captors and captives were identical -- for me, an indefensible assertion -- but that one cannot be understood without reference to the other.) =20 Homick has written that coartaci=F3n "held out the promise of eventual freedom to Cuban slaves generally." I responded that it did nothing of the kind. In fact, coartaci=F3n affected an infinitesimal minority of Cuban slaves, as Homick now agrees. =20 Homick said, "there were times that [the law] became reality and made a difference: Cuban coartaci=F3n is one of them." I say that for the most part, it isn't. Homick "is not that interested in quantitative measures of its application. I brought it up solely to underscore another difference between Anglo- and Ibero-American slave systems." A difference on paper, I would argue, that meant little in the lives of most slaves. My point in "mustering ciphers" has been to show that regardless of the "humanitarian" quality of certain provisions in Spanish law, they often had little impact on the lives of the slaves. If we lose sight of that and proceed to make the argument that these provisions were nevertheless the deciding factors in shaping the nature of slave systems, I think we are in danger of asserting: The lives of slaves are not as important as what great white legislators had in mind for them, notwithstanding what actually occurred. I reject this line of reasoning. Homick wrote that "The progressive growth in the number of free Cubans of color in the nineteenth century attests the impact of coartaci=F3n." I said that the progressive growth of the free population of color attested to reproduction, not manumission. And if it did not lead to manumission, I don't know what impact Homick imagines coartaci=F3n would have had on this community. I do apologize to Homick for suggesting that he mistakenly dated Humboldt's visit to Cuba to 1860. In fact, Homick correctly indicated that Humboldt visited Cuba in the early 19th century. (If I've made other mistakes, I'm most willing to see them corrected.) In any case, I emphasized the time of Humboldt's journey not to take a cheap shot at Homick but to emphasize that Humboldt travelled in Cuba before the phenomenal rise of sugar production which transformed all aspects of social relations and especially the relations between master and slave, including how that relation was reflected in law. Because the relationships between law and practice change continually, I thought it necessary to make this point in light of Homick's assertion that "this arrangement [coartaci=F3n] continued throughout Cuba's colonial tutelage." (And I supplied references that contradict this assertion regarding coartaci=F3n.) Readers will recall that Homick initially cited Humboldt as evidence for the "clear cut difference that Spanish law made in slaves' lives." As it turns out, Humboldt recognized the yawning gap between Spanish slave law and its application long before the changes wrought by sugar had become fully apparent. When I mentioned this discussion to my friend Matt Childs, he pointed me to another passage from Humboldt's Ensayo pol=EDtico sobre la= isla de Cuba (1826; Reprint, with an introduction by Fernando Ortiz, Havana: Fundaci=F3n Fernando Ortiz, 1998). The passage quoted by Homick is on pp. 88-89 of that edition. Below I translate a line from p. 213: "Despite the wisdom and mildness of Spanish legislation, How many excesses are there to which a slave is not exposed in the isolation of a field or hacienda, where a brutal overseer, armed with a machete and a whip, exercises his absolute authority with impunity!" I think this quotation invites us to reassess Humboldt's enlistment in support of Homick's claim. As to the role of Spanish slave legislation in preparing Latin American whites to accept abolition -- perhaps it did persuade some; but many slaveholders were far from willing to accept abolition, notwithstanding legislative declarations of the desirability of eventual emancipation. This will sound familiar to students of U.S. history who recall Revolutionary-era exponents of the ideas that slavery was "contra nature and reason, stripped the individual of his dignity, trampled his god-given natural rights." In some areas of Latin America, as in the U.S. NORTH, some of "the most die-hard slavists eventually were swayed by their arguments," which they often saw reflected in slavery's declining economic returns. For them, like Northern U.S. slaveholders, "abolition of slavery was a pill not terribly difficult for them to swallow, provided it were sweetened and lubricated by monetary inducements." But in cases like Cuba and southern Colombia, as in the U.S. South, I have argued that indeed, "abolition became a life-and-death struggle." Slavocrats like Julio Arboleda were prepared to overthrow their governments (or put "in dire jeopardy a nation's very existence," as Homick would have it) rather than see abolition come to pass. They had not accepted the inevitability of abolition "in the fullness of time" or at any time, and had to be defeated through force of arms, as did their counterparts in the U.S.A. Whether or not Latin American law conceded in principle that slaves had "rights which the white man was bound to respect," such men as Arboleda refused to accord those rights in practice, and fought with all means at their disposal to deny them. Homick contends that "it would be a farcical flight of fancy to claim that slavery was the fetid, decomposing flesh of the British colonial regime, for it was indeed the living tissue and sinew of the new American regime." I have asserted nothing to the contrary, but I will rejoin that slavery wasn't the "living tissue and sinew" everywhere in the U.S.A. (such as in New England), and that where it wasn't, we saw some willingness to take steps toward its abolition, just as in parts of Latin America where slavery was not perceived to be crucial to the interests of the regional ruling classes. Homick would dismiss what I see as the "protracted, sanguinary ordeal" surrounding abolition in other areas of Latin America as so many "tin- pot tyrant eruptions" that "sprouted up like mushrooms after a rainfall across the landscape of early- republican South America." I don't know what that says, except that for Homick, civil wars in Latin America will never approach the blood-soaked grandeur of a civil war in North America. I would suggest that while such a view may satisfy some Yanqu=ED scholars in 1999, it would make little sense= in Bogot=E1 or Havana, not to historians today and certainly not to the contemporaries who fought over the future of slavery. There can be no question that they saw such conflicts as significant to the destiny of their countries, which I'm sure they thought were every bit as important as the U.S.A. Homick seems to suggest that such wars -- open armed contests for state power -- meant little. If that is so, why should we attach any more importance to the laws those states professed to uphold? Homick argues that no South American civil war was "was egged on mainly or exclusively by the issue of slavery." I won't dissent unequivocally. I will, however, insist that the future of slavery was the issue sine qua non in some of those wars, and add that it's news to me that U.S. historians agree that the North American civil war was precipitated "exclusively by the issue of slavery." In Colombia, too, other issues were at stake, some of which will sound familiar to students of U.S. history, e.g. centralism vs. federalism, tariffs vs. free trade, the relative influence of a (southern) allegedly regressive slavocracy vs. that of a (northern) self-styled progressive bourgeoisie in national politics, etc. (Other salient issues, such as the role of the Catholic Church in government, had no real counterparts in the U.S.A.) These wars erupted again and again because unlike in the U.S.A., neither side was able to marshal the forces to emerge the clear military victor at the national level. Instead, legislative compromises were arrived at -- laws, for example, that paid lip-service to the ideal of abolition while simultaneously guaranteeing slaveholder property in human beings. Here are my conclusions: The letter of the law is an inadequate guide to assessing the "nature" of the slave system in any society. It tells us only what the lawgivers professed to believe, and not necessarily anything about the experience of the people who lived under that system. To find that out, we have to research the real-life impact of the law, including through "mustering ciphers." =20 The circumstances of abolition in Latin America varied according to time and place, as in the United States. It was not a uniformly peaceful or easy process in either region. In some areas of Latin America, abolition was effected without much bloodshed or political turmoil, usually through gradualist legislation and compensation to slaveholders, as it was in the U.S. North. In other areas where slavery was more important to the economic interests of local slaveholders, violent resistance to abolition did occur. Sometimes these regionally-based conflicts assumed sufficient dimensions to challenge the central state, as they did in the U.S. I continue to dispute that the U.S. was the great American exception in this regard. I disagree with Homick that "how slave law developed" explains "what sets the U.S. apart from South America as regards the destruction of slavery in the New World," and furthermore, that there were a priori qualitative differences in that respect. Finally, I think it might be useful to mention the context in which Tannenbaum wrote Slave and Citizen. By the late 1940s, the efforts of Black Americans to put their legal enfranchisement on the national political agenda could be seen to be bearing fruit. In presenting his interpretation of how that process had occurred in Latin America, Tannenbaum sought to persuade his readership that such changes could also be effected in the U.S. without violent upheaval. As in his other arguments, he was both right and wrong about that. Nationally recognized civil rights gave Black Americans, as they had black Latin Americans, a theoretical legal basis to demand redress of their grievances. They did not in themselves redress those grievances, any more than Spanish law had paved the way to equality for black Latin Americans, as Tannenbaum wished. That's another reason his contribution is still worth discussing today. Russ Lohse Grad student, History, Univ. Texas at Austin